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Background : The members of your project team are in serious conflict. They have split into two camps. The last team meeting was a disaster with four members of the team sitting on one side of the table and the other four on the other side. You could feel the tension in the air. You ended the meeting after only 30 minutes as it was apparent nothing was getting resolved at that time. You scheduled another meeting for the following Wednesday as you needed time to prepare your strategy.
What’s Going On : You scheduled a meeting with each member of the team individually to understand what was going on from their perspective. During the individual meetings with the team members, you learned the following:
Early on in the project the team never worked through how conflict would be managed when it did arise on the project. You had collaborated with past teams about how conflicts would be managed but, given the quick start to this project, you didn’t do so this time. You had a feeling this might be a problem but had hoped for the best. There were also correct that you were probably not the best person to help get through this conflict as it involved you also.
Your Strategy : You got permission from the sponsor to bring in a facilitator to help the team (and yourself) work through the conflict and also determine how conflicts would be handled throughout the project. In addition, once that was accomplished, you were going to have a team meeting that was focused purely on team building activities and collaborating how the team would continue to work together to accomplish the project. This would include determining:
You also wanted to spend time reviewing roles and responsibilities on the team to ensure you had the right people in the right roles and everyone felt comfortable with what had to be done on the project.
The day would end with dinner at a nearby restaurant.
You prepared an outline of the full-day team meeting and shared with the team. You received good feedback about the outline.
The All Day Team Event : The day of the all-day team meeting arrived. The project sponsor kicked off the event with a brief overview of the project the group had undertaken, highlighting its importance to the organization and alignment to long-term strategy. You then reviewed the agenda and introduced the facilitator. The day went well overall with minimal conflicts that arose. Those that did were managed by the facilitator. By having a facilitator, you were able to participate in the day’s events and provide your own thoughts and ideas. Plus, you were able to spend time building stronger relationships with the team which you knew would be key to a successful project moving forward.
The Next Month on the Project : Let’s skip ahead to a month after the all-day team event. While there were a few conflicts, they were resolved quickly. Additionally, when problems arose, the team came together and collaborated to find a solution. During a quick check-in after the first conflict during this time and after the first problem solving session, team members noted they felt much better about the process and felt that the team was working together much more effectively.
Six Months Later : Six months later things are going well. The team is working together quite well and is highly performing. Problems are solved quickly and decisions are made collaboratively.
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Answering questions designed to regulate emotions may make it easier for students to find solutions to common disagreements.
These days, our world is inundated with heated discussions, polarizing debates, tense protests, and culture wars, whether they be about abortion rights, gun control, affirmative action, climate change, the Russia-Ukraine war, or the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Discord is part and parcel of life. At a time when the nation is so divided, schools must do more to help students manage conflict. How can schools empower students to resolve conflicts with peers or adults?
Problem-solving is an emotion-regulation strategy of taking action to directly address an emotional situation. Think about 14-year-old Padma talking to a peer who called her names about how sad she felt. Or 17-year-old Alejandro encouraging his classmates to put more effort into their group project after being pressured to do the heavy lifting. Problem-solving empowers students to take charge of their emotional needs . It can increase students’ self-efficacy in problem resolution and prevent similar situations from happening again.
A powerful problem-solving tool for conflict resolution is students’ expressing their emotional needs to peers or adults in a clear and civil manner. Consider 16-year-old Chris, who feels angry and advocates his need for an apology from a peer who shoved him in the hallway. Or 13-year-old Max, who feels excluded and shares their need for meaningful social interactions. There are five evidence-based steps to problem-solving.
However, problem-solving requires time and effort to generate, select, and enact solutions. Problem-solving can also lead to frustration when the solution, or some part of it, is not within students’ control. Imagine that 18-year-old Cody, who feels trapped and is being made the subject of rumors, asks others to stop spreading or fueling them, but he has little control over their behavior. So, if students are fatigued or solutions are beyond their control, they should try other emotion regulation strategies (e.g., cognitive reframing, distraction, emotional support seeking) in tandem.
Conflict resolution through these problem-solving strategies is one way to help students manage minor disagreements with classmates. More serious disputes may require some degree of adult intervention. The bottom line is that all students should feel safe and accepted at school, no matter their race, gender, language, religion, or ability, especially amid the current contentious social-political landscape, and educators have to take steps to create this inclusive, welcoming environment.
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Center for Preventive Action
Al-Shabaab in Somalia remains one of al-Qaeda’s strongest and most successful affiliates. The terrorist organization continues to exploit the Somalian government’s limited state capacity and the country’s dire humanitarian crises to launch indiscriminate attacks against government forces, foreign peacekeepers, and civilians. Their goals are to destroy the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), rid their country of foreign forces, and establish a “Greater Somalia,” joining all ethnic Somalis across East Africa under strict Islamic rule. A joint United Nations and African Union (AU) peacekeeping force, now known as the African Union Transitional Mission to Somalia (ATMIS), the United States , and several East African nations have been actively involved in combating al-Shabaab since it rose to prominence in the early 2000s. However, al-Shabaab has proven its resilience against numerous counterinsurgency campaigns, posing a threat to the stability of Somali and the region.
The foundations of Harakat Shabaab al-Mujahidin, or al-Shabaab (“The Youth”), originated in the late 1980s when Somalis who had joined the Afghan mujahideen in the war against Russia returned home. The returned Somali fighters established a Salafi militant organization al-Ittihad al-Islami (AIAI) during this time. Shortly after, Somalia descended into civil war, culminating in the collapse of the Somali state in 1992. AIAI later dissolved and a group of its younger, hardline recruits joined forces with an alliance of sharia courts in south-central Somalia known as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), serving as its enforcement wing.
In the late 1990s and into the early 2000s, the ICU expanded its control as efforts continued to re-form the Somali state. Despite the establishment of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in October 2004 in Kenya, the ICU gained control of Mogadishu in June 2006. At the request of the TFG, Ethiopia invaded Somalia and ousted the ICU from the capital in December. The invasion and subsequent two-year occupation by Ethiopian forces fueled public resentment and triggered the formal establishment of al-Shabaab and its ongoing insurgency.
Between 2006 and 2008, al-Shabaab asserted control over most of southern Somalia and grew its forces into the thousands. In 2007, the United Nations approved the creation of a regional peacekeeping force, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), to protect the recently re-established TFG in Mogadishu. By 2009, the Ethiopian military withdrew and was replaced by AMISOM forces. The introduction of foreign forces from across East Africa galvanized al-Shabaab to expand its operations beyond Somalia. On July 11, 2010, al-Shabaab launched its first foreign attack in Kampala, Uganda, killing seventy-six people in a series of suicide bombings.
The terrorist group reached its peak in 2011 when it controlled parts of the capital city of Mogadishu and the vital port of Kismayo. However, the group’s success proved short-lived as AMISOM and TFG forces were able to push al-Shabaab out of Mogadishu and several other urban centers in August. This was followed by a brief operation launched by Kismayo in October.
In an attempt to revitalize its insurgency, al-Shabaab announced their launched a four-day siege of a mall in Nairobi, Kenya that killed sixty-seven people, the deadliest terrorist attack in Kenya in over fifteen years. In March 2014, al-Shabaab killed one foreign national and injured several others in a nightclub attack in Djibouti, the first suicide bombing in the country’s history. In 2015, al-Shabaab killed 148 people at Garissa University College in Kenya after taking 700 students hostage during a 15-hour siege. In October 2017, twin truck bombings in Mogadishu widely believed to be perpetrated by al-Shabaab killed more than 500 people; five years later, over 100 more were killed at the same location. Between 2019 and 2020, al-Shabaab carried out a series of attacks in Mogadishu and northern Kenya, including an attack on a Kenyan military base housing U.S. forces that killed three U.S. servicemembers.
Al-Shabaab’s resilience was, in part, due to the faltering efficacy of the internationally-backed counteroffensive and weakening capacity of the Somali government. Despite regaining previously captured territories between 2012 and 2015, state and international forces struggled to maintain control in several areas, allowing militants to return. Al-Shabaab has also been known to abandon its bases to draw security forces into ambushes or distract them while launching attacks in the then less protected urban centers. The death toll for AU forces has been high with over 3,500 deaths incurred since the mission began in 2007. The inability to exact meaningful control of al-Shabaab and prospect of further casualties caused AMISOM forces to remain in their bases, conducting few offensive operations since 2016.
In consequence, AMISOM has sought to drawdown its presence in Somalia and transfer primary security authority to Somali forces. However, Somali forces face their own capacity issues, lacking sufficient equipment and training while contending with the infiltration of al-Shabaab in their ranks. For this and several other reasons, the transfer of responsibility has faced multiple delays and setbacks, with the African Union Peace and Security Council voting to extend AMISOM’s mandate until the end of 2021. However, AMISOM remained in place until April 2022, when it was replaced with the AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS). With around eighteen thousand troops, ATMIS serves as an extension of AMISOM and is not due to fully depart until the end of 2024. As of June 2023, 2,000 ATMIS forces have departed Somalia and the control of several military bases and key locations has been handed to Somali security forces.
Since its inception, al-Shabaab has capitalized on the feebleness of Somalia’s central government to seize control of large swaths of ungoverned territory. In June 2012, Somalia held indirect elections resulting in the establishment of a post-transitional government, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Rapidly, the corruption and dysfunction that characterized the transitional government leeched into the FGS, paralyzing efforts to quell al-Shabaab as it began to regroup in 2013. In particular, the limited reach of government authority in the country’s expansive rural areas and discord between the federal government and member states deepened under the subsequent leadership of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, also known as “Farmaajo,” who further centralized state power after being elected in 2017. In 2021, political tensions reached a boiling point when protests surrounding the postponement of the presidential election scheduled for February erupted into violence, triggering fears of a renewed civil war. In May 2022, former leader Hassan Sheikh Mohamud defeated the incumbent president in an indirect election by parliament members.
In August 2022, Mohamud launched a “ total war " against al-Shabaab. The Somali president claimed the renewed military offensive would eliminate the terrorist organization in five months. The first phase of the offensive, launched in August 2023, concentrated on uprooting al-Shabaab’s gains in central Somalia, particularly the regions of Hirshabelle and Galmudug. The new offensive’s key attribute was providing support to local clans that were rebelling against al-Shabaab. The terrorist group’s popularity has deteriorated in these areas in recent years as they have stepped up repression and taxation of local communities, disregarding increased hardship due to a series of natural disasters. The first stage was the most effective offensive since 2016, expelling al-Shabaab from areas it had controlled for over a decade. However, concerns remain about Somalia’s ability to maintain its territorial gains as it looks to push into al-Shabaab’s traditional strongholds in southern Somalia.
Though the government offensive has weakened al-Shabaab’s hold on territory, it has not stopped the group’s attacks. In 2022, there was a 41 percent increase in al-Shabaab violence targeting civilians. Fleeing from government forces, some al-Shabaab fighters have reportedly started to move northward, where political instability in Puntland and Somaliland could provide an opportunity for al-Shabaab to expand its presence. Al-Shabaab has continued to exact a high toll on AU forces, such as the attack it launched on June 6, 2023 that killed fifty-four Ugandan peacekeepers at an AU base in Somalia. Al-Shabaab has also kept up attacks across East Africa, including numerous incursions into the border regions of Kenya and Ethiopia . Al-Shabaab’s continued activity in neighboring countries prompted leaders from Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya to announce their intentions to conduct “ search and destroy " operations in support of ATMIS and Somali forces in February 2023.
The United States has been involved in the fight against al-Shabaab for over sixteen years, the “glaring exception to U.S. involvement in post-9/11 conflict,” according to expert Sarah Harrison. Since 2003, the United States has conducted air strikes in support of Somali forces and has provided more than half a billion dollars in training and equipment since 2007. In 2008, the United States officially designated al-Shabaab a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). In December 2013, the United States sent a small team of military advisors to Mogadishu to assist AMISOM and Somali forces. Notably, the United States has been supporting a special forces unit within the Somali National Army, known as the Danab, who carry out targeted counterterrorism operations. The United States also remains the largest contributor of humanitarian aid to Somalia, providing over 1.3 billion dollars since October 2021.
The United States has particularly focused on conducting decapitation strikes against al-Shabaab’s leaders, such as in September 2014 when a U.S. air strike killed Ahmed Abdi Godane, the group’s then leader. The use of air strikes peaked under the Trump administration, who authorized more strikes than the three prior administrations combined. In 2017, President Donald Trump also deployed the first regular U.S. troops to Somalia since 1994, later withdrawn after the deaths of several U.S. personnel. After a brief pause in military support, the Biden administration redeployed hundreds of troops in 2022 and authorized a series of air strikes, resulting in the reported deaths of over 300 militants. Several other countries are involved in the Somali government’s campaign against al-Shabaab, including Turkey and the United Arab Emirates .
The decades-long humanitarian crisis in Somalia has both contributed to and been exacerbated by al-Shabaab’s insurgency. Over the past three decades, Somalia has faced multiple climate change-induced droughts , causing widespread famine. Five consecutive failed rainy seasons between 2021 and 2023 produced Somalia’s worst drought on record. This occurred in parallel with the Somali government’s renewed counteroffensive beginning in August 2022 which concentrated operations in the most drought-affected areas. Al-Shabaab has directly challenged government relief efforts, targeting food deliveries and water wells, as well as expanded its taxation and confiscation of livestock in communities under its control. This combination of factors has internally displaced millions of Somalians and triggered significant migration outflows to neighboring countries in East Africa.
On August 6, 2023, one year after President Mohamud declared total war against al-Shabaab, Somali forces announced the launch of the campaign’s second phase focused on uprooting the militants from its southern strongholds. This came shortly after a suicide bomber killed more than twenty Somali soldiers and injured sixty more in an attack on the military academy in Mogadishu on July 25. The second phase of the campaign also involved the adoption of new financial and ideological tactics, including providing amnesty for al-Shabaab fighters, announced on August 22.
However, the campaign has seen limited success. Not one month after the launch of the second phase, al-Shabaab claimed the deaths of 178 soldiers in an attack on a military base in central Somalia, forcing Somali forces to retreat from several towns and villages captured in months prior. On September 6, the Somali government announced a shift in strategy given the increased threats from al-Shabaab militants, re-adopting tactics from the first phase of the military campaign to support local community fighters. Despite setbacks, the Somali government reported in October that 1,650 militants had been killed and 550 more wounded since August.
Foreign forces continue to be a primary target of al-Shabaab. On September 17, militants ambushed a convoy of Ethiopian troops in western Somalia. While al-Shabaab claimed the deaths of 167 Ethiopian soldiers, Ethiopia claimed it was able to eliminate 50 al-Shabaab fighters. Al-Shabaab has also exploited the continued drawdown of ATMIS forces, killing eleven Somali soldiers in a roadside explosion on September 19 as AU forces began their second withdrawal. Heightened activity by the terrorist group caused the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to suspend the pull out of ATMIS forces for three months in November. On December 1, the UNSC also voted to lift the restrictions on weapons deliveries to Somalia, ending the decades-long arms embargo. On December 17, a joint U.S.-Somali military operation killed senior al-Shabaab leader Maalim Ayman, who was responsible for several high-profile attacks including the 2020 attack on Kenya’s Manda Bay airfield that resulted in the deaths of three U.S. servicemembers.
As the Somali government has looked to ramp up efforts to combat al-Shabaab, it has also had to contend with a crippling natural disaster and precarious political situation. After experiencing drought since 2021, torrential downpours beginning in October 2023 triggered widespread flooding. The flooding affected an estimated 2.48 million people, displacing 1.2 million and killing over one hundred Somalis. The specter of humanitarian disaster reached a fever pitch as 2024 loomed, with 37 percent of the population in need of humanitarian assistance, 3.8 million people internally displaced, and 4.3 million facing crisis or worse levels of food insecurity, according to the International Rescue Committee (IRC). Meanwhile, the breakaway state of Somaliland announced a Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia in December, granting the country access to its Red Sea port in exchange for Ethiopia’s recognition of its independence. Somaliland has long been a significant point of political destabilization in Somalia, having declared its independence in 1991 without formal recognition from any nation.
In January 2024, a UN helicopter crash landed in al-Shabaab-controlled territory in central Somalia, resulting the death of one passenger and capture of eight others.
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Our Reppy Fellows are master's, doctoral, and law students at Cornell who receive unique opportunities for professional networking and development in the field of peace and conflict studies. Meet the 2024–25 cohort.
Ayesha is a J.S.D. student (Ph.D. in Law) focused on International Criminal Law and Human Rights Litigation. Her research focuses on political genocides. She does a comparative study of International Criminal Law and Latin American National Criminal Law, comparing the historical and political processes pursued in the International and Latin American systems.
Basim is a second-year Master of Public Administration student at the Brooks School of Public Policy, concentrating in International Development Studies with a minor in Peace and Conflict Studies. His research interests lie in the intersection of conflict resolution, strategic decision-making, and leveraging artificial intelligence to address global policy challenges.
Dayra Lascano is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Government at Cornell University, specializing in International Relations with a minor focus on Comparative Politics. Her research focuses on understanding the conditions that promote successful cooperation among political leaders within Regional International Organizations (RIOs).
Georgy Tarasenko is a PhD student in the Department of Government. He is interested in freedom as a theoretical and empirical phenomenon, focusing on non-democratic and illiberal politics. One of his research agendas examines wartime politics, specifically investigating Russian mercenary violence in Africa and the impact of casualties in the Russo-Ukrainian war on public opinion.
Director's fellow.
Maria Alejandra is a J.S.D. candidate at Cornell Law School. Her research interests include interdisciplinary approaches to law, environmental justice, and human rights. Her dissertation focuses on examining the intersection between rights-based climate litigation, climate movements, and climate governance at the global level.
Paul Caruso is a first-year MPA student at the Brooks School of Public Policy. Paul’s concentration is in Government, Politics, and Policy Studies, focusing on international affairs and peace studies. Paul’s research investigates the opportunities for conflict resolution and negotiation that shared climate crises present.
Synia Taitt is a first-year Ph.D. student in Cornell University's government department. Her research in American politics focuses on the intersection of social movements, linked fate, policies, and public institutions, such as policing.
Zorana Knezevic holds a BA in Anthropology from the University of South Florida and an MA in International Human Rights from the University of Denver. Her research areas are at the intersection of conflict studies and human rights, human security, and georeferenced data. Zorana has conducted research on the why, when, and where civil war combatants engage in intentional cultural destruction (ICD).
The Conflict Studies Research Center at the Arab American University is excited to announce The International Summer School, an educational initiative that brings together international students from US academic institutions with local Palestinian students for an enriching academic and cultural experience.
This is the 2nd International Summer School program which is in collaboration with the Graduate Programs in International Affairs at The New School, NY. This year, the Summer School will take place in Amman, and the theme is ‘Palestine in Exile.
This is an open call for interested Arab American University students to apply.
This opportunity is for graduate students enrolled at AAUP.
Date: From June 20 to August 4, 2024
Location: Amman, Jordan
International Summer School Program:
The Program offers 2 graduate level courses (course descriptions below) and field visits:
1. Academic Courses: Participants will have the opportunity to enrol in courses that are eligible for academic credits. This year's courses include:
Course description:
To understand the intricate systems and culture of control in a settler colonial context, one needs to decipher the socio-cultural space to unearth the tools of subjugation and control that the colonial power utilized for its control of local population.
In this course, we examine the lived space as a space for disclosing relations of subjugation, control, competition over land and resources, discourse framing, national identity, modernity, and urban planning…
The second part explores the diverse methods of research for a critical decolonial approach. Emphasis on narrative construction, planning and design as a manifestation of culture, the environment, and knowledge production.
Course description
An intersectional analysis of the Politics of exile and the making of diasporic subjectivity. This course explores the diverse Palestinian diasporic being and explores the experiences, representations and implications of forced displacement and migration.
In this course we build on theories of decoloniality, displacement, refugeeism, forced migration, colonization, globalization, and diasporic communities.
The course will study the diverse Palestinian diasporic experiences and their manifestations on the Palestinian community in Jordan, and the larger Palestinian nation. We will dwell on key themes such as identity formation, history, culture, memory and trauma, modes of resistance, politics of representation, culture, diasporic lived experiences, justice and social change…
2. Field Trips : In addition to the academic courses, students will partake in field trips to various locations in Jordan.
We invite applications from Graduate students enrolled in the following programs at AAUP:
Interested students should fill out the application by clicking here .
We look forward to your participation!
Status A Activity SEM Section number integer 301 Title (text only) Tragedy of War: Ancient Athenian drama and military conflict Term 2024C Subject area GREK Section number only 301 Section ID GREK7206301 Course number integer 7206 Meeting times R 1:45 PM-4:44 PM Level graduate Instructors Emily Wilson Description In this graduate seminar, we will read several Athenian tragedies set in wartime or its immediate aftermath, including Aeschylus’ Persians, Sophocles’ Ajax and Philoctetes, and Euripides’ Iphigenia at Aulis, Hecuba, and Trojan Women. We will discuss how these plays use or contrast with other Greek representations of military conflict (especially the Iliad), and we will trace the relationship between tragic representations of war and contemporary fifth-century warfare. Course number only 7206 Use local description No
University of Notre Dame
Center for Italian Studies
College of Arts and Letters
Time: Sat Jun 29, 2024, All Day (part of a series)
Location: Seminarzentrum L115-L116, Otto-von-Simson-Str. 26 & Zoom
Join us for an engaging conference exploring the dynamics of conflict and assent within lyric communities.
Sociological research has demonstrated how communities enact mechanisms to claim internal coherence and distinguish themselves from the outside. Lyric poetry can act as a privileged community-building mechanism in different respects: it can entail forms of protest within the same Gesellschaft, the creation of new languages within and beyond the national, the conquest of gendered spaces within traditions, the agonistic claim involved in imitation. Through lyric poetry, various forms of community formation can not only claim their coherence and consistency, but also powerfully demarcate boundaries and establish differences. The recent scholarly debate on lyric poetry has proposed transhistorical approaches based on the lyric genre’s unique performative features, potential of circulation, re-use and re-enactment of models and gestures. The workshop sets out to explore the potential of lyric poetry in imagining and enabling communities when representing conflict, enacting moments of tension, and creating outsiders, from the Middle Ages to the contemporary era from a global perspective.
The workshop Rethinking Lyric Communities in Premodern Worlds , held at Christ Church (Oxford) in 2023, discussed transhistorical and transnational communities addressing questions of exegesis, the circulation of manuscripts and printed editions, and forms of collective writing and performance. This workshop aims to focus on the double-edged dimension of community formations, arguing that enabling communities involves internal and external conflicts to circumscribe and exclude other collective formations. The complex dynamics between conflict and assent will be explored through the transnational re-creation or epigonal re-use of traditional forms, the emergence of minorities in the public sphere and in national literary traditions, the transcription and publication of oral performances, and the emergence of queer identities.
In cooperation with: Center for Italian Studies - University of Notre Dame; Dahlem Humanities Center; EXC 2020 Temporal Communities; Italienzentrum – Freie Universität Berlin; Oxford Berlin Research Partnership.
For those who would like to attend virtually, please contact [email protected] by Thursday 20 June 2024.
Thursday 27 June, Seminarzentrum L115-L116 (Otto-von-Simson-Str. 26)
10:30-10:45: Arrival and coffee
10:45-11:00: Introduction
11:00-12:30
Ardis Butterfield (Yale University), Superficial strife: the banality of violence in the medieval pastourelle
Laura Banella (Notre Dame), Transhistorical Lyric Communities and the Death of Dante-the-Author
Bernhard Huss (FU Berlin), Does a chameleon ever dissent? On literary masquerade, authorial self-fashioning and cultural community-building in Alberti's Rime
Corinna Dziudzia (Universität Erfurt), Practices of community among female poet laureates of the Early German Enlightenment
12:30-14:00: Lunch break
14:00-15:30
Brigitte Rath (Universität Innsbruck), Poetic Address and Lyric Communities: Sonnets addressing sonnets
Suchismito Khatua (Stanford University), Towards an Aesthetics of Pain: The Lyric Poetry of the Dalit Panther Poets
Jana Weiß (FU Berlin), Conflict/Community 1959. Lyric Alliances in the Light of Antisemitism
15:30-16:00: Coffee break
16:00-18:00
Karen Leeder (University of Oxford), ‘When will I say mine again and mean of all?’: Forms of resistance and community in post-socialist German poetry
Jacopo Galavotti (FU Berlin/Universitá di Verona), The imaginary court. Biography and poetry in Cosimo Ortesta
Hal Coase (Sapienza Università di Roma), ‘Which of the “yous” are “you.”’: lyric indifference in James Schuyler’s The Morning of the Poem
Alexander Kappe (Halle-Wittenberg), Technical languages in 20th-century and contemporary German poetry as ‚Communities of style‘ (Celan, Grünbein, Stolterfoht, Popp)
19:00: Dinner
Friday 28 June, EXC 2020 "Temporal Communities", Room 00.05 (Otto-von-Simson-Straße 15)
10:30-11:00: Arrival and coffee
11:00-13:00
Elisa Bisson (Notre Dame), Tempering Filelfo’s Milanese exegesis on Petrarch’s Fragmenta in Vat. Lat. 4786: a Florentine reading of the Commentary?
Andreas Mahler (FU Berlin), Performing Community in Non-petrarchist English Renaissance Love Poetry
Nicolas Longinotti (FU Berlin), Expanding communities: Misceláneas and lyric poetry in the Virreinato de Perú
Nikolina Hatton (Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität München), Violence, Sympathy, and Militant Puritanism in Anne Bradstreet’s “A Dialogue Between Old England and New”
13:00-15:00: Lunch break
15:00-17:00
Francesco Giusti (University Oxford), Shareable Language: Lyric Gestures and Poetic Code
Maren Jäger (FU Berlin), “Zaum is my national language”. Translingual lyric communities in times of conflict and war
Ana Rocío Jouli (FU Berlin/EXC 2020), Lyric Transgression and Archival Politics in the Documentary Poetry of Carlos Soto Román
Chiara Liso (FU Berlin/EXC 2020), ‘The writhing ist not Meister aus Germany’: Alliances and Ruptures in Uljana Wolf’s Translational Poetry
17:00-17:30: Conclusive remarks
17:30: Reception
Organized by Laura Banella (Notre Dame), Francesco Giusti (Oxford), and Nicolas Longinotti (FU Berlin).
IMAGES
VIDEO
COMMENTS
Summary. In this fictional case, the CEO of a sports apparel manufacturer is faced with an ongoing conflict between two of his top executives. Specifically, the head of sales and the CFO are at ...
In their book Difficult Conversations: How to Discuss What Matters Most (Penguin Putnam, 2000), authors Douglas Stone, Bruce Patton, and Sheila Heen tell us how to engage in the conversations in our professional or personal lives that make us uncomfortable by examining a case study of conflict management. Tough, honest conversations are critical for managers, whether they need to change the ...
Conflict resolution is the process of resolving a dispute or a conflict by meeting at least some of each side's needs and addressing their interests. Conflict resolution sometimes requires both a power-based and an interest-based approach, such as the simultaneous pursuit of litigation (the use of legal power) and negotiation (attempts to reconcile each party's interests).
List of Case Studies. Case Study 1: Handling Roommate Conflicts. Case Study 2: Salary Negotiation at College Corp. Case Study 3: OECollaboration. Case Study 4: The Ohio Connection. Case Study 5: Uber Pays the Price. Case Study 6: Diverse Teams Hold Court.
This is the seventh case study in the series Holding These Truths: Empowerment and Recognition in Action. This series presents case studies for a future conflict resolution textbook. It has been successfully piloted with several international classes. Those, who benefit most, stress the importance of carefully studying the introduction.
A Case Study of Conflict Management - Divisions in Group Negotiation. Recently Katerina Bezrukova of Rutgers University and her colleagues compared the effects of fault lines based on social categories (e.g., age, race, or gender) with those based on information (e.g., education or work experience).
Client Service. Practice de-escalating conflict as a customer service specialist. Record a call between you and your client and suggest a suitable path forward. Build conflict resolution skills now. Avg. Time: 3-4 hours. Skills you'll build: Triage, problem-solving, de-escalation, customer retention, composure.
Intense political conflict, mediated by shared ideals, has always been with us and is profoundly American, a lesson David Moss drives home in his new book, Democracy: A Case Study. The problem: Not all conflict is productive. Open for comment; 0 Comments.
Abstract. This study examines how an organization-wide self-managed interpersonal conflict resolution system is experienced from the point of view of permanent and seasonal employees. Twenty semi-structured interviews and observations at a single agricultural organization were used to assess the alternative dispute resolution (ADR) system.
This is the eighth case study in the series Holding These Truths: Empowerment and Recognition in Action. This series presents case studies for a future conflict resolution textbook.
The Case of the Machinists' Mutiny. "You can't be serious!". Mike Trail, the president and fourth-generation owner of Trail Manufacturing, stared at five older men standing uncomfortably ...
This pedagogical book is an edited compilation of original case studies and accompanying case study teaching plans addressing issues in intercultural and organizational communication and conflict resolution. Case studies are interactive and engaging ways to approach analysis of real world interpersonal and intercultural conflicts.
Having studied conflict management and resolution over the past several years, the author outlines seven principles to help you work more effectively with difficult colleagues: (1) Understand that ...
The conflict types identified in this case study have a certain degree of similarity with previous research, such as the task conflict (Behfar et al., 2011; Vaux & Kirk, 2018), relationship conflict (Behfar et al., 2011), and financial conflict (Jang et al., 2018). However, the interface conflict in this case study was a unique type of conflict ...
Most of these case studies were written by graduate students (and a few faculty members) in peace and conflict programs. Many of them were masters students at the Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame when they wrote them; others were Ph.D or Masters students at the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution (now, in 2020, The Carter School) at ...
Conflict Resolution Quarterly is an interdisciplinary social sciences journal focused on human conflict management, dispute resolution, and peace studies. Abstract Conflict analysis is an essential component of designing and implementing peacebuilding action because it focuses on making sense of the situations where a peacebuilding action or ...
Guidance for people managers. Managing people is a demanding job which typically comes with a host of other responsibilities (only one of which is conflict management); performing these on top of one's operational role can be challenging. Failure to provide managers with ongoing support, expertise and guidance makes the task even more daunting.
Resolving Conflict. Both employees took the DISC assessment, and Toni met with each to review their results report. Toni also put together a collaborative report, which juxtaposes the profiles and provides tools for each to communicate effectively with the other. In one - yes you read that right - in ONE MEDIATION MEETING, the employees ...
This article presents a case study on organisational conflict in a selected international organisation in the South African automotive industry to increase the contextual understanding of the topic. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews with 45 senior and middle managers in the selected international organisation at the head off ce and ...
It also explores international war, deconstructs conflict, examines theories of Peace and Conflict Studies, and distinguishes between conflict management, resolution, and transformation. It additionally elaborates on informal methods for conflict resolution while making the case for multileveled and collective efforts to transform societal ...
1. Avoiding. Avoiding is a strategy best suited for situations in which the relationship's importance and goal are both low. While you're unlikely to encounter these scenarios at work, they may occur in daily life. For instance, imagine you're on a public bus and the passenger next to you is loudly playing music.
A Case Study on Conflict: Restoring Safety in Student Relationships. Social-emotional learning. As a newly minted dean of students at a small middle and high school, I knew things were not going well when the same student's father asked to speak with me for the third week in a row. With tears in his eyes, he said, "When Lila* started coming ...
Case Study: Resolving Serious Conflict between Team Members. By Gina Abudi, on July 23rd, 2015. Share. Background: The members of your project team are in serious conflict. They have split into two camps. The last team meeting was a disaster with four members of the team sitting on one side of the table and the other four on the other side.
A powerful problem-solving tool for conflict resolution is students' expressing their emotional needs to peers or adults in a clear and civil manner. Consider 16-year-old Chris, who feels angry and advocates his need for an apology from a peer who shoved him in the hallway.
The United States has been involved in the fight against al-Shabaab for over sixteen years, the "glaring exception to U.S. involvement in post-9/11 conflict," according to expert Sarah Harrison.
Story by Asher Kaufman, Professor of History and Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame ... is watching too, viewing this conflict as a means to weaken the United States. Israel, meanwhile ...
Basim is a second-year Master of Public Administration student at the Brooks School of Public Policy, concentrating in International Development Studies with a minor in Peace and Conflict Studies. His research interests lie in the intersection of conflict resolution, strategic decision-making, and leveraging artificial intelligence to address ...
The Conflict Studies Research Center at the Arab American University is excited to announce The International Summer School, an educational initiative that brings together international students from US academic institutions with local Palestinian students for an enriching academic and cultural experience.
Department of Classical Studies 201 Claudia Cohen Hall 249 South 36th Street University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6304. 215-898-7425 / [email protected] Sheila Murnaghan Department Chair
The complex dynamics between conflict and assent will be explored through the transnational re-creation or epigonal re-use of traditional forms, the emergence of minorities in the public sphere and in national literary traditions, the transcription and publication of oral performances, and the emergence of queer identities.