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Social Identity Theory

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• Guan Jian 2  

Social Identity Theory posits that individuals identify with the group they belong to and develop ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination through social categorization, and that individuals’ identification with the group constitutes the basis of group behaviors.

Brief History

Social Identity Theory was originally proposed by British social psychologist Henri Tajfel in the 1970s. Later Tajfel’s student John Turner further improved the theory and put forward the self-categorization theory in 1985. In 1970, Tajfel employed the Minimalist Group Paradigm to observe how groups function. In his experiment, the subjects were randomly divided into two groups and asked to perform resource allocation tasks. Results show that subjects would allocate more resources to other members of their own group rather than those from the other group and give these members more positive reviews, even though they do not know each other. In other words, there are ingroup favoritism and outgroup...

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Aronson E, Wilson TD, Akert RM (2014) Social psychology, 8th edn. Pearson India Education Services Pvt. Ltd, Chennai

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Yue G-A (2013) Social psychology, 2nd edn. China Renmin University Press, Beijing

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Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University, Tianjin, China

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Correspondence to Guan Jian .

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Jian, G. (2024). Social Identity Theory. In: The ECPH Encyclopedia of Psychology. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-6000-2_832-1

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-6000-2_832-1

Received : 23 March 2024

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The negative effects of social media on the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work

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The aim of this study was to understand the social identity levels of adolescents and to analyze the negative effects of social media on their social identity from the perspective of social work. The researcher used a descriptive-analytical technique in this study. The study's sample consisted of 200 adolescents (male and female) in the secondary stage at age group (15–18 years). The researcher designed a questionnaire based on the four main levels of James Marcia's theory of social identity. The results showed a variety of negative effects of social media on the social identity of adolescents in terms of "achievement - postponement - closure - dispersion", this requires taking serious measures from the family, the school, and other institutions to care for the family and the child to strengthen how to face these risks to protect the identity of adolescents from violating their privacy and negatively affecting their intellectual principles.

Negative Effects; Social Media; Social Identity; Adolescents; Social Work.

1. Introduction

Adolescence is the stage of cultural and social formation, it is the most critical juncture for children and youth. If there is no guidance, care, and follow-up from the adolescent's family and his school, the adolescent, in his quest to develop a sense of social identity, spends most of his time thinking, reviewing, and reflecting on the general values and behaviors he observes ( Bakkar, 2010 , p55). He must decide how to succeed in friendships with his peers, exercise his social roles as appropriate, and choose between multiple beliefs, ideas, and options that will give him a sense of distinct and independent existence working towards building his own future. In this light, adolescents are exposed to what is known as an identity crisis ( Levesque, 2011 , p.109, p.109).

The crisis of social identity is the main problem people must tackle during adolescence. The crisis starts with the beginning of the formation of a personality where the adolescent asks a number of questions to himself such as: Who am I? What is my role in society? How do I prove my existence? How do I succeed? Here, the adolescent finds himself faced with multiple questions, contradictory demands, and ideas, which force him to deal with multiple conflicts, especially in light of physical, mental, social, psychological, emotional, and family changes. If these changes are negative, it will result in the failure of the adolescent to successfully form his identity, in addition to facing many problems such as social role disorder, identity confusion, or the adoption of negative identity, harming the adolescent's life and future ( Salima and Fayza, 2014 . p.384).

1.1. Definition of social identity from the perspective of social work

The thinker Alex Mitchell considered that identity is an integrated system of physical, psychological, moral and social data involving a pattern of cognitive integration processes ( Mitchell et al., 2016 , pp12-16). It is characterized by its unity, which is embodied in the inner spirit, and has the characteristic of the sense of identity and intelligence ( Mitchell et al., 2016 , pp127-138). Identity is the unity of internal feelings ( Asiri, 2004 , p.122), which is the unity of physical elements, differentiation, permanence, and central effort. This means that identity is a unit of integrated physical, social and psychological elements, which makes a person distinct from others, and enables him to feel his own unity ( Dawaq, 2016 , p.26).

Erik Erikson believes that the identity of an individual is formed during a long struggle, which begins in adolescence, and focuses on the composition of two element ( Erikson, 1994 , p15). The first is the acquisition of the ability to create a relationship with the surroundings, and the second a sense of integration into a suitable moral world. We believe that both elements are necessary and complementary to each other because the individual needs to identify himself within his society. When people ask us who we are, they do not usually mean the name we carry, but our position in the social network, that is, the small circle that we belong to within the great social circle, and the job that we do within this circle ( Salima and Fayza, 2014 , p.390). Therefore, the individual does not just mention his first name, but adds to him the last name, and then the functional definition, which refers to occupation, hobby or status. This leads us to the second element, namely, the need for an individual to have a meaningful world in which to enjoy his or her abilities and receive the appropriate reward for what he does. This is why all people seek to build relationships with a group, because much of the pleasure of life, or happiness, is achieved through interaction between individuals. Hence, it is said that those who dispense with people lose the sense of beauty of life ( Al-Shammasi, 2006 , p.23) because in fact they lose the need for the daily challenge posed by the physical and moral interaction between the individual and his environment ( Cillessen and Rose, 2008 , p.143). It is the need for integration that imposes on the individual a pattern of personal choices and descriptions that may not necessarily be the best for them but are necessary to make their way into the community. On the other hand. groups may vary in their susceptibility to the integration of new individuals, in the sense that they may set difficult conditions, require the individual to give up his own choices in return for enjoying the virtues of social living, or simply refuse to integrate any new individual unless they are fully identical with them in psychological and social growth ( Al-Hafian, 2004 , p.30).

1.2. James Marcia's theory and levels of social identity

The theory of Marcia is based on a significant assumption that a well-defined and independently determined identity exists for the mature and well-adjusted person. This presumption expresses an implicit collection of shared principles, with a putting great emphasis on human interests, rights, and freedoms. Therefore, maturity in terms of a highly developed sense of an individual self is only natural, and maturity is characterized by the willingness to subjugate individual pursuits and desires in the service of the greater good of the group ( Morelli, 2020 , pp.12–24).

There are four key points or milestones that James Marcia's theory has descriptively defined along the continuum of identity growth. Such stations or points describe very different states of identity, ranging from a diffuse and indeterminate individual identity to a precise and extremely specific individual identity. Marcia assumed that such conditions and events (called 'crises') act as catalysts for movement along this continuum and through the different status of identity. These crises cause internal tension and emotional upheaval, forcing teenagers to analyze their values, beliefs, and aspirations and doubt them. They can develop new beliefs, accept different values, and make different choices as they explore new possibilities. Every identity status is a basic configuration of the progress of an adolescent with regard to identity exploration and dedication to the values, beliefs, and goals that contribute to identity ( Marcia, 1966 , p 551), Marcia used the concept of identity status to identify four stations or points of unique developmental identity as follows:

Social identity achievement: This status of identity reflects both a high degree of experimentation and a high level of dedication. It is said that teenagers have achieved their identity through an active discovery phase and a deep commitment to a clear set of values, beliefs, and life goals that have resulted from this active exploration and analysis. Adolescents will have determined what ideals and priorities are most important to them at this identity status, and what purpose or task will drive their life. individuals at the status of identity achievement may prioritize what is relevant to them and have sorted who they want to be by the many possibilities. They would have experimented and examined their journey in life with several different convictions and values. Young people need to feel optimistic and secure in their choices and beliefs to truly achieve this form of identity ( Marcia James, 2011 , p101). In addition to achieving a goal as a result of the individual's experience after a temporary period of exploration, including testing values, beliefs, goals, and roles, selecting what was meaningful or personal and of social value, and then demonstrating a true commitment to what was chosen to implement it ( Al-Ghamdi, 2001 , p.86).

Social identity postponement: This identity status reflects a high level of experimentation but a low degree of dedication. At this point, teenagers are in the midst of a crisis of identity that has prompted them to explore and experiment with various values, beliefs, and goals. They have not, however, made any definitive decisions as to which principles and beliefs are most important to them, and which values should guide their lives. Therefore, they are not committed to a specific identity yet. They keep their choices and alternatives open ( Marcia, 1966 , p 550). In addition to continuing to try and test the available options without reaching a final decision and without making a real commitment to specific options, which causes the individual to change his choices from time to time in an attempt to reach what is appropriate ( Abu Arad, 2008 , p.18), including but not limited to changing the field of study, profession, identities or friends ( Steinberg, 2002 , p.33).

Social identity closure: This status of identification indicates a low level of discovery but a high degree of dedication. Adolescents do not consciously seek to decide what is important to them in this identity status. The principles and beliefs they have been taught are not questioned. Instead, by clearly embracing the ideals and values of their families and community culture, these teenagers obtain their identity. In a way, the personality given to them is passively embraced by them. Although these young people are committed to their assigned ideals and life goals, they do not ask why they should be, nor do they suggest any alternatives ( Marcia, 1980 , pp.159–187), in addition to their avoidance of any subjective attempt to reveal beliefs, goals and social roles of meaning or value in life, but they are contented with satisfaction of the roles as determined by external forces such as family and society ( Al-Zu'bi, 2001 , p.477).

Social identity dispersion: This identity status describes adolescents who have neither explored any real identity nor committed to it. This status of identity thus reflects a low level of experimentation and a low level of dedication. These teenagers have not at all considered their identity, and have not set any goals for life. They are reactive, floating through life passively, and dealing with every situation as it arises. Their main motivation is hedonism, avoiding discomfort, and gaining pleasure ( Marcia James, 2011 , p101), in addition to the lack of individual sense of the need to form a philosophy, goals, or specific roles in life, on the one hand, with the absence of commitment to the roles which led by chance on the other. This happens with the aim of avoiding the individual researching and testing to preferring compatibility with problems or solving them by postponing and disrupting ( Khader, 2018 , p.89).

In light of the above, the individual's identity is formed solely by the interaction of the individual with others, and the individual's view of others is partly shaped by the way others view that individual. According to the theory of symbolic reactivity (role theory) ( Al-Murshidi, 2007 , p.27), people continue to possess their individuality but are not entirely distinct from society ( Ali, 2007 , p.83), and identity acts as a bridge between the individual and those around him ( Mohsen, 2018 ), for this reason, we must work hard to monitor and follow up our children in their way of life especially after the recent boom in electronic means of communication and the spread of social media which has become a remarkable presence all over the world, especially among children and young people and despite the positive effect of some social media, but the social media can also have a destructive influence on social relations between adolescents and their families, in addition to the negative effect on the academic achievement of adolescents.

1.3. Definition of social media

The phenomenon of social media began in 1997, and the site "Six Degrees.com" was the first of these sites providing the opportunity for users to create profiles, comment on news, and exchange messages with other participants ( Mohamed, 2019 , p.6). Although the site "Six Degrees.com" is the pioneer of social networking, "My Space.com" has opened wide horizons and achieved tremendous success since its inception in 2003 ( Hayaty, 2018 , p.3). Then successively began the emergence of social media, but the milestone is the emergence of ‘Facebook.com’ which enables users to share information among themselves and allow friends to access their profiles ( Al-Shareef, 2014 , p73), for this reason, the use of various social media has become a daily occurrence in modern times ( Mashaal, 2018 , p.56).

Some scholars define social media as virtual places where communication through the means of dialogue, chat, comment, photography, and interaction between users can take place without borders or breaks ( Al-Jazi, 2018 , p.14). So, the internet is described as a virtual space because it is considered a liberating place where no one party owns it ( Asur and Huberman, 2010 , p.40), and defines social media as services that are created and programmed by major companies to gather the largest number of users and friends who share activities and interests, searching for more friendships and the interests and activities of other people with whom they share one of the intellectual contributions ( Bailey et al., 2009 , p. 10 & Salim, 2008 , p.56). These social media provide features such as instant messaging, public and private messaging, and multimedia sharing of voice, video, image, and files ( Rajah, 2019 , p.86), which has attracted millions of users from around the world. ( Mansour, 2014 , pp.287–288), and also social media are an electronic social structure made from individuals, groups, or institutions, the basic composition (such as an individual) of which is called a term (node) where these nodes are connected to different types of relationships ( Al-Mu'ti, 2016 , p.93). Such as supporting a specific sports team, belonging to a company or nationality of a country in the world and these relationships may reach deeper degrees ( Ali, 2019 , p.102), such as social status, beliefs, or class to which the person belongs ( Salima and Fayza, 2014 , p.391), and there are many types of social media used by children and adolescents such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, WhatsApp, etc ( Hamed, 2018 , p.7).

1.4. Advantages for children and adolescents of using social media from the perspective of social work

Provide the opportunity to connect with friends, family, and colleagues who share the same interests, and share pictures, ideas, and fun moments with each other ( O'Keeffe and Clarke-Pearson, 2011 , p127).

Provide an opportunity to join in community service projects through what is known as “e-volunteering”.

Developing individual and collective creativity through exchanging technical projects and benefitting from innovative experiences ( Muzayd, 2012 , p.42).

Promoting educational opportunities developing ideas and raising intelligence through the creation of blogs, videos, and game sites ( Ito et al., 2008 , p.15).

There are ways to regulate and control privacy and confidentiality rules not based on reparation or compulsion but rather on choice, and users can block or report inappropriate or unacceptable interventions and materials.

Provide an opportunity to learn, to exchange respect, tolerance, and constructive dialogue on global humanitarian issues to promote human identity and social skills ( Abdul Jalil, 2011 , p.247).

1.5. Risks for children and adolescents of using social media from the perspective of social work

Threat and harassment through the Internet: through the dissemination of false information, embarrassing or hostile interaction from others. This is one of the biggest risks of using the internet for adolescents, it is a risk from peer to peer and can cause profound social and psychological consequences such as depression, anxiety, isolation, and tragic suicide ( Nomar, 2012 , p.193).

Send sexual messages (sexting): through the sending and receiving of sexual messages and images through mobile phones, computers, and other digital receivers where images become rapidly spread via mobile phone and the internet. This phenomenon can be seen in recent research which has shown that 20% of adolescents published pictures of their own showing themselves naked or semi-naked, with some of them having been accused and convicted on charges of felony publishing porn ( AL-Oubli, 2011 , p.826).

Facebook depression: which occurs in adolescents as a result of spending a lot of time on social media sites such as Facebook and then beginning to show symptoms of depression through social isolation from their environment and their families, with some resorting to using dangerous sites and blogs, which may promote addiction or sexual relations and/or destructive, self-aggressive behaviors. Social media sites lead to the isolation and destruction of family relations ( Hosni, 2011 , p. 101).

The collapse of the idea of the reference group in its traditional sense. The virtual society is not determined by the place, but by the common interests that bring people together, who did not necessarily know each other before meeting electronically. They are sleepless societies; one can find a contact with another around the clock. Virtual societies are highly decentralized and gradually result in the dismantling of the concept of traditional identity. The disintegration of identity is not confined to national or resident identity, but also to personal identity, because those who use social media often use pseudonyms and avatars, and some have more than one account ( Al-Obaidi, 2019 , p.18).

Digital Footprint and Privacy concerns: This is related to the lack of privacy for adolescents, due to a lack of experience in the safe use of social media sites, who exchange a lot of private information or disseminate false information related to them or others putting their privacy at risk. In addition, the presence of the property is collected and user information recorded on the internet resulting in something called a "digital fingerprint." ( Zain Al Abdeen, 2013 , p.2).

1.6. Previous studies

Several studies have indicated that one of the most significant difficulties experienced by adolescents is a conflict of values linked to their continuous search for identity and belonging ( Bouchey and Furman, 2013 , p.319). This is compounded with a desire to achieve self-direction by going into the unknown; interacting with strangers on social media sites and entering into a network of virtual relationships via the internet. This corresponds with the study ( Laith, 2011 ) on “The Impact of Using Social Media site "Facebook" on Youth Self-Esteem” which demonstrated the role Facebook plays in modern upbringing through providing a platform for children and young people to discover ideas and convictions that greatly shape their future character values and determine their life trends. Traditional upbringing institutions lack the ability to monitor new behavioral patterns resulting from friction with the outside world caused by social media. The study also noted that a large number of young people have become isolated from their communities, hiding behind computer screens to connect with the virtual community instead. The study recommended the need to regulate the method and hours of social media use, while determining the quality of permitted sites and programs, and considering the increasing need for periodic supervision on children by their families. In this context, according to recent statistics, 22% of adolescents access their favorite social sites more than ten times a day and more than half of adolescents enter these sites more than once a day 75% of adolescents have a mobile phone, 25% of them use their phones to access these sites. and 54% use it to send SMS, whilst 24% use it for instant messaging. Thus, much of the social and emotional development of this generation takes place online via mobile phone ( Zain Al Abdeen, 2013 , p.2). And study ( Safar, 2017 ), entitled “The role of social networks in the consolidation of the values of citizenship from the perspective of the Omani youth,” This study aimed to identify the role of social networks in establishing the values of citizenship from the viewpoint of the university youth in Oman, The study used the descriptive-analytical approach and relied on the questionnaire tool, It was applied to a random sample of 477 students from Sultan Qaboos University, The study concluded several results, including The social networks, reinforced the value of brotherhood among citizens and emphasized the cohesion Patriotism among community members, Social networks were used to promote solidarity, cooperation and assistance to the needy, The results showed that many social media sites were the most used among the sample members They are in order Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter. And study ( Hamdi, 2018 ), University Youth Dependence on Social Media for Access to Information, “A Survey Study at the University of Tabuk, Saudi Arabia”, The main objective of the study is to know the degree of dependence of Saudi youth on the communication sites Social In knowing the information and news they are looking for, and the study relied on the descriptive method and the questionnaire tool, It was applied to a sample of 401 students from the University of Tabuk in Saudi Arabia. The most important results of the study were the most important motives for the use of social networking sites by Saudi youth is entertainment and leisure time, then get news and information, then for social relations with friends and relatives.

Several studies have indicated there are the effects of social media on an individual's life, his academic achievement, and his progress in life such as study ( Awad, 2013 ) entitled: “The effects of the use of social media sites on the educational attainment of children in Tulkarm governorate from the point of view of housewives”, which stressed the importance of the role played by mothers of teenage children who use social media sites. The study reached the important conclusion that social media sites have a negative impact on the educational attainment of children, especially in cases where mothers worked more hours. Therefore, it is necessary to target mothers with awareness campaigns and workshops, to raise the level of awareness of how they can monitor their children's use of these sites, and advise them of the need to establish rules and controls to monitor banned and destructive sites, so users cannot access pornographic sites. And study ( AL-Aag, 2013 ) entitled: The use of the Internet in the study and its relationship to motivation for learning in adolescents (12–14 years). The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between the use of the Internet and motivation for learning among teenage pupils, the researcher used the descriptive method, and relied on a simple random sample, the sample size represents 110 pupils. One of the most important results of the study, the proportion of males who use the Internet is estimated at 50% of the total sample, while the percentage of students who are highly motivated to learning 91.81%, and students with low motivation to learning 9.19%. And study ( Hattat, 2014 ), entitled (psychosocial problems of school-age adolescents internet users), This study aimed at detecting the prevalence of psychosocial problems in terms of internet addiction, social isolation, lack of concentration, and depression in a sample of adolescents studying “internet users in Ouargla”, the sample of the basic study consisted of 406 students using the internet who were chosen intentionally among the students studying during the 2013–2014 school year, one of the most important results of the study was that the prevalence of psychological and social problems was low, where the percentage of Internet addiction was 2.95 %, 0.73% for social isolation and 2.70% for the problem of alienation. And study ( Zawana, 2015 ), entitled ‘The degree of using social networks as a tool for learning among Jordanian university students and the achieved satisfaction’, the aim of this study was to investigate the degree of use of social media by Jordanian university students as a learning tool, the study used the descriptive approach in the field survey of the study community consisting of the University of Jordan as a public university and the Universities of the Middle East and Petra as private universities, the questionnaire was applied to a total sample of 400 students, they were asked closed questions on the five axes of the tool on the degree of use and the satisfaction of saturation, the results include: YouTube ranked first, followed by Facebook and Twitter respectively, students resort to the university's website in the first degree to learn the dates of the quarterly and monthly tests. In addition to studying ( Bu-Abdullah, 2016 ), entitled " Internet uses and their impact on students Adolescents "Secondary Field Study of Khadr Ramadan Omash-Biskra", this study aimed to identify the uses of the Internet and its impact on teenage pupils and this study is descriptive, and selected the sample was random, Where included 26 students in high school, the questionnaire was used as a study tool, the study reached the following results: It was emphasized that the use of the internet leads to delayed level of academic achievement in adolescent pupils, the availability of the Internet inside the home increases the duration of use of the teenager, it was also emphasized that parents should know the programs which watching their teenage child is on the Internet to guide to the useful things on this network. And also study ( Hinnawi, 2016 ), entitled " Uses of Middle Teen Students for Networks Social networking in Nablus city schools in Palestine, this study aimed to investigate the reality of the use of students adolescence to social networking, the study used the descriptive method and the sample of the study was 217 singles, one of the most important findings of the study is that the majority of students have at least one subscription on social networking sites by 97%, And 63% of them use smartphones as the main device in the use of social networks. And study ( Kehinde and Adegbilero. 2016 ), entitled "Use of social media by science students in public universities in Southwest Nigeria", this study aimed to identify the extent of the use of social media in academic activities by students of the State University in southwestern Nigeria, The study was based on a descriptive curriculum and a purposive sample of 140 students from three educational institutions in southwestern Nigeria, the results of the study indicated that the students are a user of social networking sites in high rates, with 93.48% use Facebook, then Google by 63.77%, In addition, two-thirds of users use it for staying informed about events/news, then for leisure and entertainment, the most important obstacles facing them in the use of social networks are receiving unsolicited messages and power outages.

1.7. The present study and it questions

The present study is concerned with studying the negative effects of social media on the social identity of adolescents in terms of "achievement - postponement - closure - dispersion" from the perspective of social work, and this is a new aspect not addressed before. In order to do so, this research asks the following research questions:

Q1: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "achievement" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

Q2: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "postponement" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

Q3: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "closure" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

Q4: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "dispersion" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

Q5: Does the degree of awareness adolescents of the negative effects of social media on levels of their social identity vary according to gender, adjective, age, number years of using, and favorite app?

2. Methodological procedures

2.1. sample.

The study community is represented by all adolescent students in the secondary stage, an estimated (3836) students "males - females". As for the research sample, the sample was chosen randomly. The researcher used a simple random survey (a representative sample of the study population of adolescent students in secondary school), and the sample size was estimated (200) "males - females" adolescent student. The researcher used Cochran's Equation to calculate a sample size as shown in Eq. (1) ( Cochran, 1963 , p.75, p.75):

Where n is denotes the sample size in limited communities, which applies to the study population, n 0 is denotes the sample size in infinite communities (open communities), and N is denotes the size of the study population, where the researcher identified the study population from the official data issued by the department of student affairs at the secondary school, which is estimated from the reality of records of 3836 adolescent students.

The researcher used Smith's Equation to calculate a n 0 as shown in Eq. (2) ( Smith, 1983 , p.90, p.90):

Where n 0 is the sample size, z is the abscissa of the normal curve that cuts off an area α at the tails and the researcher determined it by 99% at the level of significance of 1%, which is estimated at ± 2.58., e is the desired level of precision (in the same unit of measure as the variance) which was determined by the researcher as only one degree, and σ is the variance of an attribute in the population.

By doing the calculations it was→: n 0 = ( 2.58 ) 2 × ( 5,63 ) 2 = 211 ( 1 ) 2

The sample size in the study population can be calculated as follows: -

In the present research, the sample consisted of 200 adolescents (males 98 and females 102) form students the secondary stage. (see Table 1 , Figure 1 shows the demographic information on participants).

Table 1

Demographic information on participants.

In light of these results, it is clear that the percentage of females represents the highest rate at 51%, and followed Male at 49%. This converges with study ( AL-Aag, 2013 ) which indicated that the proportion of males is less than or equal to females who use the internet is estimated at 50% (Any half of the total users). This may be justified because most of the girls in the Arab world after the end of their school day spend their spare time for long periods at home because they do not have the same space of freedom as the boys to spend fun time with their friends. This may be why girls are more attracted to using social media as an outlet to entertain themselves and socialize with many people online. The majority of adolescents are those in the age group of 15 years at 36%, followed by 16 years at 33.5%. It is clear that the majority of adolescents are users of social media on a large scale of 95%. This resulted from the ease of use and access of the internet, indoors, and outdoors through the various systems offered by telecommunications companies that are commensurate with the nature of the material possibilities of each individual. That corresponds with the study ( Hinnawi, 2016 ), which confirmed the majority of students have at least one subscription on social media at the rate of 97%. besides, it is clear that the number years of using social media sites of adolescents is (7–10 years) by 40.5% of a user, followed by (4–6) by 34%. This is a significant indicator since these two stages represent the stage of early and middle childhood from the age of 8 years and above. Once the child reached adolescence, he was already addicted to the use of social media because he has spent most of his leisure time using it. In addition to, it turns out that the most popular social media sites frequented by adolescents are Facebook, at 39.5%, followed by WhatsApp, at 18.5%, followed by Instagram, at 18%. This is because these sites offer multiple features that increase the interaction between subscribers at no cost to the user, and it corresponds to the study ( Kehinde and Adegbilero, 2016 ) the indicated that the adolescents are using Facebook in the rate of 93.48%, and also it corresponds to the study ( Zawana, 2015 ) and study ( Safar, 2017 ) which showed that a number of social media sites were the most used among the members They are in order: Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter.

2.2. Ethical approval

This study was approved by the Scientific Research Ethics Committee of Ajman UAE. In addition to that, all participants provided informed consent before beginning the survey, besides, confirmation that the researcher complied with all relevant ethical regulations to maintain the confidentiality of the participants' information.

2.3. Study instrument

2.3.1. questionnaire.

The researcher designed a new and innovative questionnaire that reflects the four main axes of James Marcia's theory of social identity (see 1.2. in 1. Introduction) in order to evaluate the impact of social media sites on the levels of social identity for adolescents. The questionnaire consists of 40 phrases, and the researcher managed the sincerity and reliability of the questionnaire as follows:

Validity of the questionnaire: The research tool was confirmed by the virtual validity method for the questionnaire by presenting it in its initial form with a list of study questions, to ten members of the teaching staff of universities, all of whom were doctorate holders in social work, sociology, psychology, and education. The content was adjusted according to their recommendations.

Reliability of the questionnaire: The researcher verified the reliability of the questionnaire by using the test-retest method. The questionnaire was applied to a small random sample consisting of 30 adolescents in secondary school, and fifteen days after the test was reapplied to the same sample of adolescents. After that, the Spearman correlation coefficient between the two applications was calculated, it is worth noting that the reliability coefficient was calculated according to Spearman's law of correlation coefficient as shown in Eq. (3) : -

]In light of these results, the total reliability coefficient of 0.80 was considered appropriate for the purposes of this study as shown in Table 2 , and the stability of the questionnaire is evident with a high confidence degree = 0.80 = 89%, It is a high coefficient, so the questionnaire has its validity, reliability and a high level of internal consistency.

Table 2

Shows the stability of the questionnaire and its variables.

2.4. Data analysis measures

To find out the views of adolescents about the degree of the negative effects of the means of social communication on levels their social identity, a three-dimensional Likert scale is adopted as follows: agree (3), neutral (2), and disagree (1), as shown in Table 3 with the options used to evaluate counting periods.

Table 3

The evaluation of scale data based on the options of scale and score intervals.

2.5. Methods of analyzing

The researcher used descriptive analysis to collect, analyze, and interpret the data for the study methodology, this is because this study falls under the descriptive research pattern aimed at describing and analyzing the variables of the study so that the researcher can obtain accurate data ( Mohammed, 2012 , p.48) and information depicting the reality of the situation ( Mowaffaq, 2006 , p55). Descriptive analysis is defined as a method of study and a systematic and objective way to explain and measure phenomena ( Sandelowski, 1995 , pp 372, 374). The description is then linked by comparison and interpretation to reach accurate results as to the nature of the dimensions of the social identity of adolescents and the extent of the negative effects of social media on them and determine the most popular social media used by adolescents, in addition to determining the differences between users and non-users of the areas of social identity associated with each of its four dimensions. This is in light of the monitoring, analysis, and interpretation of the data that was accessible from the study sample, extracting accurate conclusions and recommendations.

2.6. Analysis of statistics

The researcher used the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) analytical software for conducting the descriptive statistical analysis of data to analyze and interpret the data, in addition to some statistical coefficients were used to answer the study questions, which were (frequencies, percentage, arithmetic mean, and standard deviation) to characterize sample data. in addition to (T-test) and was used to study gender differences in social identity, as well as differences in the use of gender communication networks, as well as differences in the levels of social identity in terms of (achievement - postponement - closure - dispersion). and one-way ANOVA test to find out the significance of the differences between averages.

3.1. Study findings related to RQ1

The question was: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "achievement" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

The total weights, weighted relative weight, percentage of the negative effects of social media on the level of " achievement " in the social identity of adolescents were calculated by using the Questionnaire instrument and then arranging the negative effects of social media on the level of "achievement" according to their total weights, weighted relative weight, and percentage from High to low (see Table 4 , Figure 2 ).

Table 4

The negative effects of social media on the level of "achievement" in the social identity of adolescents.

We note from the results that the negative effects of the social media on the level of "achievement” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (4020), weighted relative weight of (67%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. It is clear from the analysis that the phrase (I believe that the future depends on the intelligence of the individual in how he uses the benefits of social media to delight himself more than serve society) showed the highest percentage of all the negative effects of social media on the level of " achievement " in the social identity of adolescents, with total weights (454), Weighted relative weight (75.67), percentage of 11.3 % and Ranking (1).

3.2. Study findings related to RQ2

The question was: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "postponement" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

The total weights, weighted relative weight, percentage of the negative effects of social media on the level of "postponement " in the social identity of adolescents were calculated by using the Questionnaire instrument and then arranging the negative effects of social media on the level of "postponement" according to their total weights, weighted relative weight, and percentage from High to low (see Table 5 , Figure 3 ).

Table 5

The negative effects of social media on the level of "postponement" in the social identity of adolescents.

We note from the results that the negative effects of the social media on the level of "postponement” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (4076), weighted relative weight of (67.93%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. It is clear from the analysis that the phrase (I learned from my friends through social media that achieving a self does not require logic in thinking and does not require speed in decision-making for any reason) showed the highest percentage of all the negative effects of social media on the level of " postponement " in the social identity of adolescents, with total weights (456), Weighted relative weight (76), percentage of 11.18 % and Ranking (1).

3.3. Study findings related to RQ3

The question was: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "closure" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

The total weights, weighted relative weight, percentage of the negative effects of social media on the level of " closure " in the social identity of adolescents were calculated by using the Questionnaire instrument and then arranging the negative effects of social media on the level of " closure " according to their total weights, weighted relative weight, and percentage from High to low (see Table 6 , Figure 4 ).

Table 6

The negative effects of social media on the level of "closure" in the social identity of adolescents.

The negative effects of social media on the level of " closure " in the social identity of adolescents.

We note from the results that the negative effects of the social media on the level of "closure” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (3897), weighted relative weight of (64.95 %). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. It is clear from the analysis that the phrase (The presence of my family members on my social media account is imposed on me, and I am inside me I don't agree on it) showed the highest percentage of all the negative effects of social media on the level of " closure " in the social identity of adolescents, with total weights (507), Weighted relative weight (84.5), percentage of 13.01% and Ranking (1).

3.4. Study findings related to RQ4

The question was: What are the negative effects of social media on the level of "dispersion" in the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work?

The total weights, weighted relative weight, percentage of the negative effects of social media on the level of " dispersion" in the social identity of adolescents were calculated by using the Questionnaire instrument and then arranging the negative effects of social media on the level of "dispersion" according to their total weights, weighted relative weight, and percentage from High to low (see Table 7 , Figure 5 ).

Table 7

The negative effects of social media on the level of "dispersion" in the social identity of adolescents.

The negative effects of social media on the level of " dispersion " in the social identity of adolescents.

We note from the results that the negative effects of the social media on the level of "dispersion” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (4065), weighted relative weight of (67.75%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. It is clear from the analysis that the phrase (I don't have close friends on social media, I just want to be among the participants on the social media pages in order for me to feel the importance me of being in life) showed the highest percentage of all the negative effects of social media on the level of " dispersion " in the social identity of adolescents, with total weights (449), Weighted relative weight (74.83), percentage of 11.05% and Ranking (1).

3.5. Study findings related to RQ5

The question was: Does the degree of awareness adolescents of the negative effects of social media on levels of their social identity vary according to gender, adjective, age, number years of using, and favorite app?

In order to answer the fifth research question of the study, the investigator measured the mean scores and standard deviations. In order to find out the importance of the variations between averages, the investigator then conducted an independent T-test and a one-way ANOVA test. In the following section, the findings are detailed.

3.5.1. Gender

An independent sample test (T) was used by the researcher to determine the importance of the discrepancies between averages of adolescents' awareness of the negative impact of social media on their social identity levels. The results were measured by gender (see Table 8 ).

Table 8

Mean and SD by gender of the adolescent's responses.

The results in Table 8 show that the computed value of (T) was (-3,017), which is greater than that of the table of (T). This implies that at the significance level of (0.000), which is less than the required statistical significance level (0.05), there are substantial differences between the mean value of male and female, where females are preferred over males.

3.5.2. Adjective

An independent sample test (T) was used by the researcher to determine the importance of the discrepancies between averages of adolescents' awareness of the negative impact of social media on their social identity levels. The results were measured by adjective (see Table 9 ).

Table 9

Mean and SD by an adjective of the adolescent's responses.

The results in Table 9 show that the computed value of (T) was (-4.019), which is greater than that of the table of (T). This implies that at the significance level of (0.000), which is less than the required statistical significance level (0.05), there are substantial differences between the mean value of Users of networks and Non-users of networks, where the User of networks are favored over the Non-user of networks.

Table 10 . Shows the ANOVA one-way test results to evaluate the responses of the adolescent according to age.

Table 10

One-way ANOVA of the responses of adolescents by age.

∗Statistically significant at (α 0.05).

In Table 10 . There are no statistically significant variations in the viewpoints of teenagers according to the age variable at 0.178, which is greater than the required statistical significance level of 0.05.

3.5.4. Number years use of social media

Table 11 . Shows the ANOVA one-way test results to evaluate the responses of the adolescents according to number years use of social media.

Table 11

One-way ANOVA of the responses of adolescents by number years use of social media.

In Table 11 . There are no statistically significant variations in the viewpoints of teenagers according to the number years use of social media variable at 0.142, which is greater than the required statistical significance level of 0.05.

3.5.5. Favorite app

Table 12 . Shows the ANOVA one-way test results to evaluate the responses of the adolescents according to favorite app.

Table 12

One-way ANOVA of the responses of adolescents by favorite app.

In Table 12 . There are no statistically significant variations in the viewpoints of teenagers according to the favorite app variable at 0.123, which is greater than the required statistical significance level of 0.05.

4. Discussion

This study aimed to identify the negative effects of social media on "levels" the social identity of adolescents in the secondary stage from the perspective of social work, the results showed that the negative effects of the social media on the level of "achievement” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (4020), weighted relative weight of (67%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. The obtained results, are shown in Table 4 , and concern the extent negative effects of social media on the level of "achievement" of the social identity of adolescents. We have noticed that most adolescent responses are indicating a lack of interest in the effective role in normal life, and rather transforming themselves into being united with an electronic world where the quality of values and principles are different from that of previous generations. Here we see that some teenagers are trying to have an entity and a role but many of them cannot because of the dangerous and influential role of the internet which depends on dazzling and attracting the longest number of hours in front of social media. Although, James Marcia believes this level is the most mature level of identity because it integrates and develops the growth of the personality of the teenager through the development and identification of tasks and pledges clearly and specifically. However, the adolescent cannot reach a strong level due to the fact that many of them are driven towards the negative impact of these sites. This corresponds with a study ( Bu-Abdullah, 2016 ) which indicated to emphasized that the use of the Internet leads to a lack of interest in the effective role in their life and Delayed level of academic achievement in adolescent pupils as well, the obtained results, are shown in Table 5 , and concern the negative effects of the social media on the level of "postponement” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (4076), weighted relative weight of (67.93%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. We note from the results and It is clear from the analysis that the negative effects of social media on the level of "Postponement" of the social identity of adolescents indicating the inability of an adolescent to come up with a clear idea of the things he wants. Besides, his goals in life are almost clear but he cannot make decisions about them, he is a person whose character is fluctuating and contradictory for fear of taking responsibility or committing to specific promises to himself or the community around him. This agrees with James Marcia's opinion that the teenager in this rank is in a period of exploration and has unclear and vague commitments. and has not set his position on many of his life issues This corresponds with a study ( Bu-Abdullah, 2016 ) which indicated to emphasized, the availability of the Internet inside the home increases the duration of use of the adolescent to a social network, and this too leads postponing adolescents for many of the goals in addition to the Fluctuation in opinion and inability to make clear decisions.

Results also showed in Table 6 , that the negative effects of the social media on the level of "closure” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (3897), weighted relative weight of (64.95 %). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. Moreover, the obtained results, as shown in Table 5 , and concern the extent the negative effects of social media on the level of "closure" of the social identity of adolescents indicating that the adolescent is ineffective and awaits solutions and results from others, whether power, friends or society. This result reflects the extent of the turbulence experienced by adolescents with their lack of self-confidence due to lack of ability to choose and lack of self-confidence, whether at the future social level or at the religious level and that he cannot make a decision or take responsibility. James Marcia expresses this rank that the teenager does not have clear and specific commitments, but takes them ready from his parents or those around him. This contradicts the study ( Hattat, 2014 ) which indicated that social networks reduce the degree of social isolation, but, the exact scores and percentages reached by the current study prove that social networking sites have a significant negative impact that leads to more of closure with their lack of self-confidence due to lack of ability to choose and lack of self-confidence as well, the obtained results, are shown in Table 7 , and concern the negative effects of the social media on the level of "dispersion” in the social identity of adolescents obtained a total weight of (4065), weighted relative weight of (67.75%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average. We note from the results and It is clear from the analysis that the negative effects of social media on the level of "dispersion" of the social identity of adolescents, indicating the adolescent is less accepting of himself and his community. He sees himself as "inferior", making his thoughts and behaviors immature. In addition, he is also closer to the character of aggressiveness and may evolve to be psychopathic. This is consistent with James Marcia's assertion in his theory that the rank of "dispersion" of the lowest ranks of identity and it characterized that teenager does not have clear commitments and does not try to discover other options or alternatives and fails to adhere to a fixed ideology. This contradicts the study ( Hattat, 2014 ) which indicated that social networks reduce lack of concentration but the accurate scores and percentages reached by the present study prove that social media have a significant negative impact that leads to more distractions, anxiety, lack of concentration and dispersion.

On the other hand, the obtained results, as shown in Tables 8 and 9, ​ 9,10, 10 , ​ ,11, 11 , and ​ and12 12 pertained to whether the degree of awareness adolescents of the negative effects of social media on levels of their social identity vary according to gender, adjective, age, number years of using, and favorite app. The results indicated that the degree of adolescent's awareness varies according to gender and adjective, with females being more aware of the negative effects of social media than males. maybe due to the fact that females' adolescents are more fearful and cautious about themselves as a result of socialization since childhood started and keener because the amount of accountability of parents to their daughter in the Arab world for the mistakes she makes is more severe and violent than the boy, which is why the girl is more cautious in her relationships with others through social media. It is also worth noting no statistically significant differences in adolescent's awareness were found based on the variables of age, number years of using, and favorite app.

5. Conclusions

From the results above, we can conclude that the value of all negative effects of social media on "levels" the social identity of adolescents from the perspective of social work came to a total weight of (16058), weighted relative weight of (66.9%). This indication is a medium, indicating that the level of impact is average for all negative effects of social media on the levels of social identity in adolescents. It ranked first "Postponement level" at 25.4%, It is followed by the ranked second “Dispersion level" at 25.31%, Then came third place "Achievement level" at 25.03%, Finally in fourth place "Closure level" at 24.26% (see Table 13 , Figure 6 ).

Table 13

Ranking levels of the social identity of adolescents after all negative effects of social media on it.

5.1. In light of this, we reach an important conclusion, which is that

It is necessary taking serious measures from the family, school, and institutions that care for the family and children to pay attention to how to face negative effects of social media on social identity to children and adolescents. Besides working to encourage children and adolescents do not get lost their time and take the largest part of their free time in practicing sports and cultural activities. That corresponds with the study ( Hamdi, 2018 ) which was emphasized in it that the most important motives for the use of social networking sites are entertainment for loss of time.

In addition to another important conclusion is train parents to help their children to make the best use of these sites so as not to be exposed to problems resulting from open communication without restrictions. and this corresponds to a study ( Bu-Abdullah, 2016 ) which was emphasized that parents should know the programs which watching it their teenager child is on the Internet to guide them to useful things on social networks. Hence, the researcher presents her following recommendations.

6. Recommendations

Urge parents to follow their children continuously and guide them in the use of social networking sites.

Educating children about the need to observe the privacy of their information and data, so that it is not accessible to everyone, including strangers.

Educating the awareness of children not to accept video conversations or written conversations or requests for friendship from strangers.

Educating children's awareness of the need to not display their own pictures in public so as not to be copied by strangers and exploited inappropriately.

Urge children to inform their parents of any threat or blackmail they may face from anyone on the internet.

Urge parents to fill the leisure time of their children by encouraging them to practice a hobby or sport they love.

Urge parents not to excessively pamper their children or give them extra money so as not to spoil them.

Increase educational institution awareness seminars for students, giving information on the pros and cons of social networking sites.

Urge parents to establish a bridge of communication between them and their children and follow the method of persuasion, and not intimidation, when adapting their child's behavior on the internet.

Declarations

Author contribution statement.

W. Elsayed: Conceived and designed the experiments; Performed the experiments; Analyzed and interpreted the data; Contributed reagents, materials, analysis tools or data; Wrote the paper.

Funding statement

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability statement

Declaration of interests statement.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Additional information

No additional information is available for this paper.

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Social Identity Theory In Psychology (Tajfel & Turner, 1979)

Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

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Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

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On This Page:

Social Identity Theory, proposed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s, posits that individuals derive a portion of their self-concept from their membership in social groups.

The theory seeks to explain the cognitive processes and social conditions underlying intergroup behaviors, especially those related to prejudice, bias, and discrimination.

Social identity is a person’s sense of who they are based on their group membership(s).

Tajfel and Turner (1979) proposed that the groups (e.g., social class, family, football team, etc.) people belonged to were important sources of pride and self-esteem.

Social identity groups can give you a sense of:

• Belonging : Being part of a group can instill feelings of connection and unity, giving individuals the comforting sense that they’re not alone in their experiences or perspectives.
• Purpose : Group affiliations often come with shared goals or missions, which can provide direction and purpose to individual members.
• Self-worth : Affiliating with a group can boost self-esteem as individuals derive pride from group achievements and a positive group image.
• Identity : Groups provide a framework to understand oneself in the context of a larger community. They can help define who you are based on shared attributes, values, or goals.

1. Social Categorization

This refers to the tendency of people to classify themselves and others into various social groups based on attributes like race, gender, nationality, or religion.

We categorize objects to understand them and identify them. In a very similar way, we categorize people (including ourselves) to understand the social environment.  We use social categories like black, white, Australian, Christian, Muslim, student, and bus driver because they are useful.

Categorization helps individuals simplify the social environment but can also lead to stereotyping. If we can assign people to a category, that tells us things about those people.

Similarly, we find out things about ourselves by knowing what categories we belong to.  We define appropriate behavior by referencing the norms of groups we belong to, but you can only do this if you can tell who belongs to your group. An individual can belong to many different groups.

For example, you have categorized yourself as a student, chances are you will adopt the identity of a student and begin to act the ways you believe student act.

2. Social Identification

Once individuals categorize themselves as members of a particular group, they adopt the identity of that group. This means they begin to see themselves in terms of group characteristics and adopt its norms, values, and behaviors.

If for example you have categorized yourself as a student, the chances are you will adopt the identity of a student and begin to act in the ways you believe students act (and conform to the norms of the group).

There will be an emotional significance to your identification with a group, and your self-esteem will become bound up with group membership.

3. Social Comparison

After categorizing and identifying with a group, individuals compare their group to others. This comparison is often biased in favor of one’s own group, leading to in-group favoritism.

This is critical to understanding prejudice, because once two groups identify themselves as rivals, they are forced to compete in order for the members to maintain their self-esteem.

Competition and hostility between groups is thus not only a matter of competing for resources (like in  Sherif’s Robbers Cave ) like jobs but also the result of competing identities.

4. In-group (us) and Out-group (them)

Within the context of SIT, the ‘in-group’ refers to the group with which an individual identifies, while ‘out-group’ pertains to groups they don’t identify with.

The theory asserts that people have a natural inclination to perceive their in-group in a positive light while being neutral or even negative towards out-groups, thus enhancing their self-image .

5. Positive Distinctiveness

The desire for positive self-esteem will motivate one’s in-group to be perceived as positively different or distinct from relevant out-groups.

Prejudiced views between cultures may result in racism; in its extreme forms, racism may result in genocide, such as occurred in Germany with the Jews, in Rwanda between the Hutus and Tutsis, and, more recently, in the former Yugoslavia between the Bosnians and Serbs.

Examples of In-groups and Out-groups

It’s important to note that ingroups and outgroups are fluid concepts. The group an individual identifies with can change based on context, environment, or over time.

Moreover, everyone belongs to multiple ingroups across different facets of their identity. The categorization into ingroups and outgroups also plays a significant role in intergroup dynamics, biases, and conflicts.

Ethnicity & Race:

• Ingroup : Someone of Chinese descent might identify with other Chinese individuals.
• Outgroup : The same individual might see people of Japanese or Indian descent as an outgroup.
• Ingroup : A Christian might identify with other Christians.
• Outgroup : Muslims, Hindus, or Buddhists might be perceived as outgroups to Christians.

Nationality:

• Ingroup : An American might feel a kinship with fellow Americans.
• Outgroup : Canadians, Mexicans, or Britons might be seen as outgroups.

Professional Affiliation:

• Ingroup : Teachers might see other teachers as part of their ingroup.
• Outgroup : They might see administrators, policymakers, or even other professions like lawyers or doctors as outgroups.

Sports Teams:

• Ingroup : A fan of the New York Yankees might identify with fellow Yankees fans.
• Outgroup : Boston Red Sox fans could be perceived as the outgroup.

Political Affiliation:

• Ingroup : A Republican might feel aligned with fellow Republicans.
• Outgroup : Democrats, Libertarians, or members of other political parties might be seen as outgroups.
• Ingroup : Teenagers might feel that other teens understand their experiences and challenges best.
• Outgroup : They might see adults, especially older adults, as an outgroup.

Musical Preference:

• Ingroup : Fans of heavy metal music might identify with fellow metalheads.
• Outgroup : Fans of pop, country, or classical music might be perceived as outgroups.

Educational Institutions:

• Ingroup : Alumni of a particular university might feel a sense of camaraderie with fellow alumni.
• Outgroup : Alumni from rival universities might be seen as the outgroup.

Gender and Sexual Orientation:

• Ingroup : LGBTQ+ individuals might feel a sense of belonging with others who identify similarly.
• Outgroup : Heterosexual individuals or those who aren’t supportive might be perceived as outgroups.

Implications

• In-group Favoritism : Because individuals seek positive self-esteem, they are inclined to favor and promote their in-group at the expense of out-groups. This can manifest in various ways, from simple preference to allocating more resources to in-group members.
• Stereotyping and Prejudice : By categorizing people into groups, there’s a risk of overemphasizing similarities within groups and differences between them, leading to stereotyping. Coupled with the natural bias towards one’s own group, this can foster prejudice against out-groups.
• Intergroup Conflict : When competition or perceived threats exist between groups, or when resources are scarce, the dynamics described by SIT can intensify, leading to intergroup hostility and conflict.
• Shifts in Group Membership : SIT suggests that if individuals feel their current group membership is not providing positive self-esteem, they may either seek to elevate the status of their current group or abandon it in favor of another group that offers a more positive identity.

Applications

• Reducing Prejudice : By recognizing the mechanisms that lead to in-group bias and out-group prejudice, interventions can be designed to foster intergroup understanding and cooperation.
• Organizational Behavior : Within organizations, understanding group dynamics can be instrumental in team formation, conflict resolution, and promoting corporate identity.
• Political and Social Movements : SIT can provide insights into the formation and mobilization of social or political groups, including understanding factors that lead to radicalization. Social identity theory is useful for political psychologists because it addresses intergroup relations, but it has limitations in explaining real-world political identities.

Key issues limiting social identity theory’s application to politics are: 1) Choice in acquiring identities versus assigned identities; 2) Subjective meaning of identities rather than just boundaries; 3) Gradual strength of identification rather than just its existence; 4) Stability of identities over time rather than high fluidity.

Key issues limiting social identity theory’s application to politics are : 1) Choice in acquiring identities versus assigned identities; 2) Subjective meaning of identities rather than just boundaries; 3) Gradual strength of identification rather than just its existence; 4) Stability of identities over time rather than high fluidity.

Research priorities include: studying real-world political identities varying in strength; examining identity formation/development, not just consequences; understanding individual differences in adopting identities; and investigating the meaning of identities based on values, prototypes, valence for members, and contrast with outgroups.

Critical Evaluation

The social identity approach explains group phenomena based on social context, categorization, identity, norms, and status. It shed new light on old topics like crowd behavior, stereotyping, social influence, cohesion, and polarization with its emphasis on collective psychology.

• The approach is one of the only broad meta-theories in social psychology that integrates concepts across an impressive range of domains.
• The theory revolutionized the field of social psychology and had a major influence on research into prejudice, stereotyping, social influence, and intergroup conflict (Hornsey, 2008).
• It has extensive empirical support. The minimal group paradigm remains a widely-used tool.

Yet theorists debate whether the original formulation oversimplified the complex relationship between personal and collective identity.

Depersonalization may also be overstated, as group members accept diverse opinions. The theory’s breadth and multifaceted nature make it hard to falsify.

Critics argue it focuses more on ingroup favoritism than outgroup negativity. And its meta-theoretical scope sometimes comes at the cost of precise, testable hypotheses.

Recent evolutions in the social identity approach sought to address some limitations. Theorists now embrace a more nuanced perspective, acknowledging the interplay between personal and social identity. The self-concept is seen as fluid, with individuals shaping group norms as well as vice-versa.

Distinctiveness and belonging are recognized as concurrent human needs. This fueled research on subgroups, deviance, and the motivational significance of inclusion versus differentiation.

New research also expanded the outcomes examined to cover emotions and historical memory. It delved into the most inclusive level of human identity. Applications proliferated in justice, leadership, communication, politics, and especially organizational psychology.

The approach is increasingly prominent in understanding responses to stigmatized identities, collective action, political conflicts, and intergroup contact.

Ingroups are studied not as monoliths but as complex entities with dissenting voices. Overall, social identity theory remains vibrant and influential, broad-reaching across psychology.

Keep Learning

• If your identity is a definition of who you are, then how does your affiliation with multiple groups affect it?
• Can one truly understand the experiences of an outgroup without having been a part of it?
• How do experiences of discrimination or privilege, based on social identities, shape an individual’s understanding of societal structures?
• In what ways does social identity contribute to societal cohesion, and conversely, societal division?

Huddy, L. (2001). From social to political identity: A critical examination of social identity theory.  Political Psychology ,  22 (1), 127-156.

Tajfel, H., Turner, J. C., Austin, W. G., & Worchel, S. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. Organizational identity: A reader , 56-65.

Billig, M., & Tajfel, H. (1973). Social categorization and similarity in inter-group behavior. European Journal of Social Psychology, 3, 27–52.

Brewer, M. B. (1979). In-group bias in the minimal inter-group situation: A cognitive motivational analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 86, 307–324.

Brown, R. (2000). Social identity theory: Past achievements, current problems and future challenges. European journal of social psychology ,  30 (6), 745-778.

Deaux, K. (1993). Reconstructing social identity. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 19 , 4–12.

Ethier, K. A., & Deaux, K. (1994). Negotiating social identity when contexts change: Maintaining identification and responding to threat. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67, 243–251.

Flippen, A. R., Hornstein, H. A., Siegal, W. E., & Weitzman, E. A. (1996). A comparison of similarity and interdependence as triggers for in-group formation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 22 , 882–893.

Hogg, M. A., Terry, D. J., & White, K. M. (1995). A tale of two theories: A critical comparison of identity theory with social learning theory. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58 , 255–269.

Jackson, J. W., & Smith, E. R. (1999). Conceptualizing social identity: A new framework and evidence for the impact of different dimensions. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25 , 120–135.

Karasawa, M. (1991). Toward an assessment of social identity: The structure of group identification and its effects on in-group evaluations. British Journal of Social Psychology, 30 , 293–307.

Mummendey, A., & Schreiber, H. J. (1984). “Different” just means “better”: Some obvious and some hidden pathways to in-group favouritism. British Journal of Social Psychology, 23, 363–368.

Noel, J. G., Wann, D. L., & Branscombe, N. R. (1995). Peripheral ingroup membership status and public negativity toward outgroups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68 , 127–137.

Tajfel, H., Billig, M. G., & Bundy, R. P. (1971). Social categorization and intergroup behavior. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1 , 149–178.

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–48). Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.

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REVIEW article

A literature review of online identity reconstruction.

• 1 School of Information Management, Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics, Nanchang, China
• 2 Asia-Europe Institute, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
• 3 School of Management, Nanchang University, Nanchang, China

The tremendous development of the Internet enables people to present themselves freely. Some people may reconstruct their identity on the Internet to build an online identity that is partly or even completely different from their real identity in the offline world. Given that research on online identity reconstruction is fragmented, it is important to evaluate the current state of the literature. In this paper, a review of literature related to online identity reconstruction was conducted. This study summarized the theoretical and methodological preferences of relevant research. In addition, it elaborated why and how people engage in online identity reconstruction. The predictors and effects of online identity reconstruction were also discussed. The results of this study provided an overview of the thematic patterns of existing research. This review also identified current research gaps and recommended possible directions for future studies.

Introduction

Online identity refers to “a configuration of the defining characteristics of a person in the online space” ( Kim et al., 2011 ). Ruyter and Conroy (2002) defined online identity as the combination of characteristics that help to define a person in cyberspace, thereby, makes him or her different from other online users. The rapid development of information technology has provided people with various tools to create their online identity and present themselves.

It is suggested that an individual’s identity in the online world may be different from his or her offline identity ( Kim et al., 2011 ; Hu et al., 2015 ). An individual’s offline identity is constrained by his or her corporal body and the physical situations ( Bargh et al., 2002 ; Donath, 2002 ; Schau and Gilly, 2003 ; Kim et al., 2011 ). Factors (e.g., race, age, and gender) that affect an individual’s offline identity are usually beyond his or her control ( Kim et al., 2011 ). However, in the online world, people can construct and present their online identity selectively ( Kim et al., 2011 ; Hu et al., 2015 ). In this case, the virtual identity that an individual builds online is not necessarily tied to his or her offline identity ( Hongladarom, 2011 ). An individual can use different digital means to create an identity that he or she wishes to express online ( Kim et al., 2011 ).

The phenomenon that people build an online identity that is partly or even completely different from their real identity by hiding or faking certain characteristics is defined as online identity reconstruction ( Hu et al., 2015 ). It should be noted that an individual’s identity is “fluid” rather than “static.” It is socially constructed in a given context ( Hatoss, 2012 ). Individuals often present themselves differently in different situations. Online identity reconstruction is different from online identity construction. Identity construction is a complex process in which people develop self-definition ( Slay and Smith, 2011 ). It is usually related to personal attributes and social roles ( Simpson and Carroll, 2008 ). For example, a teacher constructs his/her identity as a teacher researcher by participating in teacher education programs ( Taylor, 2017 ); software engineering students build up their professional identity through training ( Tomer and Mishra, 2016 ).

The studies about identity construction online mainly focus on how individuals build their self-image online. For example, adolescents create their online identity with the disclosure of intimate information and the use of various web-based resources ( Alvermann et al., 2012 ; Jordán-Conde et al., 2014 ). People use different profile photos to present themselves ( Hum et al., 2011 ), utilize various photographic and textual material to construct an alcohol-identity ( Ridout et al., 2012 ), and edit the messages carefully in online interactions ( Ditchfield, 2020 ).

Prior studies about online identity reconstruction paid more emphasis on the factors that make people’s online and offline identities different, such as strategic self-presentation ( Kim and Baek, 2014 ; Fox and Rooney, 2015 ; Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ), deceptive self-presentation ( Toma and Hancock, 2010 ; Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ), or false self-presentation ( Gil-Or et al., 2015 ; Jackson and Luchner, 2018 ; Wright et al., 2018 ). For example, an unattractive girl may reconstruct her identity online by posting edited photos that make her look more attractive. Some people also regard online identity reconstruction as a way to explore their identity ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ). For instance, adolescents may pretend to be someone else online to try different aspects of their possible identity ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ). Existing research has examined the associations between online identity reconstruction and various factors, such as well-being ( Kim and Lee, 2011 ; Jang et al., 2018 ), sense of identity ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ), self-esteem ( Kim and Baek, 2014 ; Gil-Or et al., 2015 ), and so on.

Although, increasingly more attention has been paid to online identity reconstruction, it is difficult for readers (researchers and practitioners) to understand the phenomenon of online identity reconstruction thoroughly, given that the existing research is quite diverse and fragmented. An extensive review of research in this area is thus necessary. A review of the growing literature can provide an overview of the current status of research concerning online identity reconstruction (such as methodological preference and research themes) and help researchers recognize research trends in this area. Therefore, this study aims to review what is already known about the phenomenon of online identity reconstruction. Specifically, the current study attempts to analyze the motivations, strategies, predictors, and effects of online identity reconstruction. Moreover, it will identify research gaps in the existing literature and provide recommendations for future research at the same time.

Online Identity Reconstruction

On the Internet, physical cues are absent ( Suler, 2004 ). People cannot physically see or hear each other which increases the perceived distance between people and the audiences ( Bullingham and Vasconcelos, 2013 ). In addition, people’s online identity is usually determined by the information they disclose to others ( Marwick, 2013 ). The physical detachment from audiences and the control on self-presentation makes it easier to hide or fake personal characteristics.

Previous research suggested that game characters created by players are more similar to their ideal self than to their actual self ( Bessière et al., 2007 ). Moreover, research concerning online dating sites indicated that some people may engage in deceptive self-presentation, providing exaggerated or false information about themselves ( Yurchisin et al., 2005 ; Toma et al., 2008 ). For example, people tend to present the “hoped-for possible self” on dating websites ( Yurchisin et al., 2005 ). Some people lie about their height, while some lie about their weight to make themselves more attractive ( Toma et al., 2008 ).

In comparison with other online self-presentation tools, social network platforms enable people to present themselves in a more structured and personalized way ( Manago et al., 2008 ). In online profiles, people can share their basic personal information (such as gender, age, education, etc.), describe their preferences (e.g., people they are interested in), list their own interests (such as hobbies and favorite movies), and so on. In addition to profiles, people can also present themselves through other features on social network platforms, such as updating their status and sharing photos. Given that users can decide what information to disclose, the construction of identity on social network platforms is flexible ( Manago et al., 2008 ). This means that identity reconstruction becomes possible because people can design and create their own online identity. People can hide or even alter their identity if they want ( Suler, 2004 ). Previous research suggested that, on Facebook, individuals tended to build an online identity that is more socially desirable than their offline identity to make themselves appear more popular ( Zhao et al., 2008 ). Given that individuals are able to reconstruct their online identity based on their own ideas, their identity on social network platforms could be partly, or even completely, different from their existing identity in the offline world ( Hu et al., 2015 ).

Online Identity Reconstruction and Strategic Self-Presentation

Before the concept of online identity reconstruction was proposed, the terms “strategic self-presentation” and “selective self-presentation” were frequently used in studies about building a different identity online. As suggested by Goffman (1959) , people are concerned about their public images. To control the impressions they make on others, individuals tend to employ various strategies for self-presentation during online interactions, such as emphasizing the attractive aspects of themselves ( Rui and Stefanone, 2013 ). Individuals who are not satisfied with certain characteristics of themselves are more likely to engage in self-enhancement online ( Bessière et al., 2007 ). For instance, on social network platforms, people selectively post favorable personal information in their profiles and share positive life events more than negative ones ( Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ).

In addition to strategic self-presentation, the online environment also provides opportunities for online identity experiment, which refers to the tendency to pretend to be someone else in the online world. In comparison to offline contexts, online contexts are less limited by time and geographical distance, creating more opportunities for identity exploration ( Shapiro and Margolin, 2014 ). In online contexts, people perceive increased disconnectedness from offline contexts and lower levels of surveillance ( Selwyn, 2008 ). Therefore, young people tend to feel that there is less adult supervision online, which enables them to experiment with new values, ideas, and behaviors to a greater extent ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ). For example, a previous study showed that sexual minority adolescents (such as homosexuals) felt more comfortable expressing their sexuality to others in online contexts ( Hillier and Harrison, 2007 ).

When engaging in strategic self-presentation or identity experiment, individuals intentionally build an online identity that is different from their offline identity to some extent. Therefore, they are actually engaging in online identity reconstruction. However, online identity reconstruction is more complex than strategic self-presentation and online identity experiment.

When presenting themselves strategically, people are still telling the truth, but mainly highlighting positive facts or exaggerating the truth on purpose. However, in online identity reconstruction, people are no longer limited to the truth. They may stretch the truth, hide personal information, or even tell lies. In addition, the motivations for online identity reconstruction are more complicated. The primary motivation for strategic self-presentation is to build a positive public image. For online identity experiment, individuals mainly want to talk and behave freely to explore the reactions of others ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Ceyhan, 2014 ). When engaging in online identity reconstruction, people are seeking the benefits brought about by the reconstructed identity, which is more than a positive image or the freedom to talk and behave. Some people try to pursue positive outcomes of online identity reconstruction, such as the fulfillment of vanity needs and access to new social networks ( Hu et al., 2015 ). Some people reconstruct their identity to avoid negative outcomes, such as privacy risks ( Hu et al., 2015 ).

Methodology

To capture an overview of the diverse research concerning online identity reconstruction, this study aims to address five research questions as listed below. However, it should be mentioned that this study only answers the research questions based on the findings of the literature surveyed. More empirical research is needed to obtain definitive answers to these questions.

RQ1: What research methods and theories have been used in online identity reconstruction research?

RQ2: Why do people reconstruct their identity online?

RQ3: How do people reconstruct their identity online?

RQ4: What factors will affect online identity reconstruction behavior?

RQ5: What are the effects of online identity reconstruction?

Search Strategy and Keywords

To collect relevant sources about online identity reconstruction, several academic databases were selected in this study, including Web of Science, Scopus, Academic Search Complete, and ScienceDirect. These four databases were selected because they cover a wide range of disciplines and a large number of academic journals. For example, Web of Science includes over 20,000 peer-reviewed journals in over 250 disciplines, while Scopus is a comprehensive abstract and citation database that covers more than 23,000 peer-reviewed journals. The use of multiple databases reduces the risk of omitting research related to online identity reconstruction.

The focus of the current study is on the issues related to creating or using an online identity that is somehow different from people’s offline identity. Some existing studies have investigated how people establish a general online identity through different technologies, such as profile photos ( Hum et al., 2011 ), status updates ( Yuan, 2018 ), and blogs ( Fullwood et al., 2009 ; Sima and Pugsley, 2010 ). However, the construction or creation of a general online identity is not the focus of the present study. Therefore, the term “identity reconstruction/re-creation,” rather than “identity construction/creation,” was combined with terms that suggest an online context (such as “online” and “Internet”). Various terms were used before the concept of online identity reconstruction was proposed, such as “strategic self-presentation,” “deceptive self-presentation,” “false self-presentation,” and “identity experiment.” People may employ different strategies to build a different identity in the online context. When engaging in strategic self-presentation, individuals usually present positive aspects of the self to manage the impression they make on others ( Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ). In deceptive and false self-presentation, people provide inaccurate information about themselves, such as lying about their age, height, weight, occupation, and achievements ( Toma and Hancock, 2010 ; Wright et al., 2018 ). Identity experiments are primarily used by adolescents. They explore and experiment with different identities on the Internet by emphasizing, changing, or concealing certain features of the self ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ; Ceyhan, 2014 ). Therefore, the terms that imply deviations between the online and offline identities were also included as keywords to search titles and abstracts in the selected databases.

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

To ensure the quality of the sources for review, the search results were limited to research papers published in peer-reviewed journals. Therefore, to be included in the review, the article must be: (a) published in a peer-reviewed academic journal by 31st December 2020; (b) written in English; and (c) mainly focusing on the investigation of the reconstructed online identity that is partly or even totally different from people’s offline identity. Exclusion criteria ensured that selected articles are not: (a) book chapters, conference papers, review articles, dissertations, or non-academic studies; (b) focusing on identity reconstruction in the offline world; and (c) only focusing on the general strategies for self-presentation that are not intended to build a different online identity.

Study Selection and Data Extraction

The literature search process in the selected databases identified 299 studies. After removing duplicates, 145 articles were left. The titles, abstracts, and keywords of the articles were screened, resulting in the exclusion of 69 sources that are clearly irrelevant. After that, the authors examined the full text of the remaining 76 papers independently to determine their relevance based on the eligibility criteria. Disagreements were resolved through discussion. In this process, 39 articles were excluded. Most of the excluded articles were focusing on the general strategies for online self-presentation, rather than online identity reconstruction. For example, some studies investigated how people present themselves to multiple audiences; some research examined the strategies for establishing a general online identity; some examined gender differences in self-presentation strategies between male and female users.

Finally, 37 papers were selected for review. The papers were examined thoroughly. The following variables were coded for each study: author(s), year of publication, research context, participant details, methodology, theoretical background, and key findings.

Demographic

About the research context, the most frequently used research site is a social network platform. Sixteen studies (43.3%) were conducted on a specific social network platform (such as Facebook, Instagram, MySpace, WeChat, and QQ), while six studies (16.2%) focused on the general context of social network platforms. Additionally, seven articles (18.9%) investigated online dating sites or apps; five papers (13.5%) have examined online identity reconstruction in the general online environment and three studies (8.1%) looked into online gaming contexts. Most of the studies that looked into online identity reconstruction in online dating sites or the general online environment were published before the year 2015. Twenty-one of the reviewed papers (56.8%) were published after 2015, and they mainly investigated online identity reconstruction in the context of social network platforms.

When it comes to the samples, over one-third of the reviewed articles (13 studies, 35.1%) used a student sample. Among the articles that used a general sample, eight studies (21.6%) recruited the participants through crowdsourcing services, such as Amazon.com ‘s Mechanical Turk, Qualtrics. The sample sizes of reviewed articles ranged from 10 to 1,158, depending on the applied methodology (i.e., qualitative or quantitative).

Theoretical and Methodological Preference

The quantitative approach was the major methodology applied in previous research on online identity reconstruction. A total of 28 studies (75.7%) used quantitative research methods for data collection and data analysis, while seven studies (18.9%) employed qualitative methods and only two studies (5.4%) used mixed-methods (both quantitative and qualitative) for investigation. The most frequently used method for data collection was survey, followed by experiment, interview, focus group, and observation.

Ten studies did not have a clear theoretical foundation to explain the phenomenon of online identity reconstruction. The remaining studies mainly relied on theory of Goffman (1959) about self-presentation and different concepts of the self-proposed by various theorists. Goffman (1959) proposed that when people are interacting with others, they strategically present their best self to others, just like actors performing on a stage. Some studies suggested that people highlight positive aspects of themselves or present the ideal self on social network sites in order to create a more socially desirable identity online (e.g., Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ; Alsaggaf, 2019 ).

Self-discrepancy theory was also used frequently as the theoretical background. The theory proposed three domains of the self: the actual self (attributes one current possess), the ideal self (attributes one hopes to possess, reflecting wishes and dreams), and the ought self (attributes one should possess, reflecting duties and responsibilities; Higgins, 1987 ). People usually use the ideal self and the ought self as self-guides to regulate their behavior. The gap between the actual self and self-guide is referred to as self-discrepancy. Greater self-discrepancy will lead to greater psychological discomfort, such as disappointment and anxiety ( Higgins, 1987 ). The Internet provides opportunities for online identity reconstruction, making it easier to fulfill self-guides and reduce self-discrepancy ( Hu et al., 2017 ). For example, people can create game avatars that are more similar to their ideal self than their actual self ( Bessière et al., 2007 ; Dengah and Snodgrass, 2020 ). Individuals who are not satisfied with their appearance (i.e., with great actual-ideal self-discrepancy) tend to edit their selfies more frequently ( Lyu, 2016 ).

Why Do People Reconstruct Their Identity Online?

The Internet gives individuals an avenue to present themselves freely. There is growing evidence that people reconstruct an online identity that is somehow different from their real identity in the offline world ( Bessière et al., 2007 ; Toma and Hancock, 2010 ; Hu et al., 2015 ; Jackson and Luchner, 2018 ). The reasons for online identity reconstruction are complicated.

After reviewing the selected papers, we found that people were mainly driven by various needs during online identity reconstruction. Some people were motivated by social needs. For example, Ranzini and Lutz (2017) found that hooking up/sex and self-validation were important motivations for users of online dating sites to present a deceptive self-image. People want to attract sexual partners and gain self-validation on the dating site ( Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). On social network sites, fear of missing out can lead to positive self-presentation ( Duan et al., 2020 ). Hu et al. (2015) suggested that people may reconstruct their online identity due to vanity, enjoyment, access to new social networks, and escape from old social networks ( Hu et al., 2015 ). Other researchers found that adolescents who presented a different identity online were mainly driven by self-exploration, social compensation, and social facilitation ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Ceyhan, 2014 ). They want to explore the reactions of others, communicate more easily (overcome shyness), and meet new friends ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Ceyhan, 2014 ). People may also reconstruct an online identity to present their true self (such as traits or beliefs that cannot be easily expressed in the offline world; Hu et al., 2017 ). In addition to the above-mentioned social needs, people were also motivated by security needs in online identity reconstruction. For instance, people may reconstruct their online identity due to disinhibition, privacy concern, and avoidance of disturbance ( Hu et al., 2015 ). They want to be anonymous and protect themselves online.

Gender and cultural differences were salient in the motivations for online identity reconstruction ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Huang et al., 2020 ). For example, it is found that when compared with Chinese social network users, Malaysian users were more likely to reconstruct their identity due to privacy concerns ( Huang et al., 2020 ). Girls placed more emphasis on self-exploration and social compensation than boys ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ), while boys were more likely to be motivated by social facilitation ( Ceyhan, 2014 ). In addition, it is suggested that men are more likely to be motivated by bridging social capital and disinhibition than women ( Huang et al., 2018 ).

How Do People Reconstruct Their Identity Online?

Positive self-presentation is a strategy used frequently for online identity reconstruction. People try to build a better self-image by presenting themselves positively. Individuals may only share contents that show the good side of their life and avoid posting negative events ( Kim and Lee, 2011 ; Kim and Tussyadiah, 2013 ; Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ). Presenting one’s ideal self is also used as a strategy for online identity reconstruction. For example, people may present the “hoped-for possible self” on dating sites to impress others ( Yurchisin et al., 2005 ). On social network sites, individuals often present themselves in the way they want to be ( Michikyan et al., 2015 ; Kang and Wei, 2019 ). They sometimes use multiple accounts to manage their online identity ( Alsaggaf, 2019 ).

In addition, people may reconstruct their identity by altering the information they post online. For instance, in online dating sites, people often enhance their profile photos ( Hancock and Toma, 2009 ; Toma and Hancock, 2010 ). Sometimes, they even lie about their physical descriptors (such as height and weight; Toma et al., 2008 ). It is found that online daters tend to exaggerate their attractiveness by presenting their personality traits in a more desirable way ( Guadagno et al., 2012 ). Online daters build a better identity by deceptive self-presentation in order to improve their attractiveness to potential partners ( Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). In addition, individuals also edit the photos they post on social network sites ( Fox and Rooney, 2015 ; Lyu, 2016 ). People with lower social-economic status try to build a better image online by altering self-presentation, with an attempt to gain social mobility to the upper class ( Pitcan et al., 2018 ). Individuals may also present a false self to deceive others or to explore their identity ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ; Jackson and Luchner, 2018 ).

What Factors Will Affect Online Identity Reconstruction Behavior?

In addition to the motivations and strategies for online identity reconstruction, existing studies have identified many other predictors that are significantly associated with the behavior of online identity reconstruction.

Personality Traits

Several articles reviewed in this study have examined the role of personality traits in online identity reconstruction ( Utz et al., 2012 ; Fox and Rooney, 2015 ; Gil-Or et al., 2015 ; Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). Some personality traits are positively associated with online identity reconstruction. With a sample of 1,000 male social network site users, Fox and Rooney (2015) found that narcissism trait was a significant predictor of photo editing behavior. Highly narcissistic males posted more selfies and edited the photos more frequently to make themselves look better ( Fox and Rooney, 2015 ). Similarly, Utz et al. (2012) indicated that people with a greater need for popularity are more likely to engage in social grooming, profile enhancement, and strategic self-presentation on social network sites ( Utz et al., 2012 ).

While some personality traits promote online identity reconstruction, some traits are negatively associated with this behavior. The effect of self-esteem has attracted much attention from researchers ( Gil-Or et al., 2015 ; Michikyan et al., 2015 ; Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). Ranzini and Lutz (2017) found that people with a low level of self-esteem tend to present themselves more deceptively in the online dating context. The level of self-esteem can also affect video game players’ construction of game characters ( Dengah and Snodgrass, 2020 ). Using a sample of 258 adult Facebook users, Gil-Or et al. (2015) suggested that self-esteem has negative impacts on false self-presentation, which refers to present oneself in a manner that is inconsistent with who the person really is. Individuals with a higher level of self-esteem are less likely to present a false self on Facebook ( Gil-Or et al., 2015 ). In addition, it is suggested that adolescents with a lower level of self-esteem are more likely to engage in false self-presentation ( Michikyan et al., 2015 ). Sexual orientation can also influence an individual’s behavior of online identity reconstruction ( Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). People who identified themselves as homosexual and bisexual were more likely to present themselves in a less authentic way ( Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ).

Physical Attractiveness

Previous research found that people’s concern about their physical appearance had significant influences on online identity reconstruction behavior ( Fox and Rooney, 2015 ; Lyu, 2016 ). For example, Fox and Rooney (2015) investigated the association between self-objectification (treating one’s appearance as objects that are evaluated by others) and online identity reconstruction with a male sample. Their findings suggested that men with a higher level of self-objectification edit the photos of themselves more frequently on social network sites ( Fox and Rooney, 2015 ). Later, Lyu (2016) found a similar effect of self-objectification on online identity reconstruction with a female sample. Results showed that women who were dissatisfied with their appearance were more likely to engage in photo editing behavior. In addition, women who frequently monitor and compare their appearance with others tend to fabricate their photos purposefully ( Lyu, 2016 ). In addition, Toma and Hancock (2010) found that people with less attractive physical appearances were more likely to enhance their photographs and lie about their height, weight, and age.

Psychological Status

Psychological status is another important predictor of online identity reconstruction behavior ( Bessière et al., 2007 ; Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ). Bessière et al. (2007) found that online gamers tended to create a game character with attributes that were more favorable than their own attributes, and the discrepancy between game characters and one’s real attributes was greater among players with a lower level of psychological well-being (e.g., a high level of depression; Bessière et al., 2007 ). This means that players with a lower level of psychological well-being are likely to reconstruct their identity in online games to a greater extent.

Some studies have focused on adolescents’ online identity reconstruction ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ; Ceyhan, 2014 ; Michikyan et al., 2015 ). Adolescents pretend to be someone else online (such as someone older, smarter, less shy, more beautiful) to explore their own identity ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ). It is suggested that the sense of identity is negatively associated with online identity reconstruction ( Ceyhan, 2014 ; Michikyan et al., 2015 ). Adolescents with a less coherent sense of the self are more likely to engage in identity experiments on the Internet ( Ceyhan, 2014 ), and present their false self to a greater extent on Facebook ( Michikyan et al., 2015 ). Emerging adults who still have doubts about what they want to be are more likely to engage in online self-exploration to better understand different aspects of themselves ( Michikyan et al., 2015 ). In addition, Valkenburg and Peter (2008) found that loneliness positively predicted online identity experiment. Lonely adolescents explore their identity with online identity reconstruction more frequently than non-lonely peers ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ).

Demographic Factors

Demographic variables (such as gender, age, and educational level) can also influence online identity reconstruction. It is found that women’s profile photos were perceived to be less accurate than men’s ( Hancock and Toma, 2009 ), and women indeed engaged in self-enhancement more than men ( Toma and Hancock, 2010 ; Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ). In addition, age was a negative predictor of false self-presentation, indicating that younger people are more likely to reconstruct their identity online ( Wright et al., 2018 ). Interestingly, Ranzini and Lutz (2017) found that individuals with a higher educational level presented themselves deceptively to a greater extent than those who are less educated.

Other Factors

In addition to personality traits, physical attractiveness, psychological status, and demographic variables, existing studies have also examined the role of other factors in online identity reconstruction. For example, Bareket-Bojmel et al. (2016) investigated how the goals of social network site use affect users’ actual behavior on Facebook. Using a sample of 156 undergraduate students, they suggested that students with performance goals (e.g., try to demonstrate their competence to others) have a greater desire for self-enhancement, which in turn, drive them to present themselves in a positive and socially desirable manner to impress others with their competence or talent ( Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ).

Perceived moral norm also has an impact on people’s identity reconstruction behavior on Facebook ( Wright et al., 2018 ). Individuals are more likely to engage in false self-presentation (such as updating status of doing something they did not actually do) if they perceive the behavior of online identity reconstruction is morally acceptable ( Wright et al., 2018 ). For instance, people may lie about their achievements when they think the behavior is acceptable. In the context of online dating, the intention to seek romantic relationships negatively influences deceptive self-presentation ( Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). People with long-term relational goals are less likely to engage in self-enhancement ( Toma and Hancock, 2010 ).

What Are the Effects of Online Identity Reconstruction?

Effects on well-being.

Some studies reported that online identity reconstruction has positive effects on well-being. Kim and Lee (2011) examined the impact of online identity reconstruction on the subjective well-being of Facebook users. Results showed that individuals tend to feel happier when they can present a positive self-image on Facebook, but the positive self-presentation is not likely to improve the perceived social support ( Kim and Lee, 2011 ). Similarly, Jang et al. (2018) found that people who present themselves positively on social network sites reported a higher level of happiness, regardless of their self-esteem level. In addition, it is suggested that selective self-presentation will increase people’s online life satisfaction when they have a low level of self-esteem or have a high level of social trust toward other online users ( Kim and Baek, 2014 ). Moreover, Hu et al. (2020) indicated that online identity reconstruction has a positive impact on psychological well-being. People who reconstruct their identity online tend to feel more autonomous and have a higher level of self-acceptance, which in turn, improves their overall satisfaction online ( Hu et al., 2020 ).

Online identity reconstruction is also associated with negative psychological outcomes ( Visser et al., 2013 ; Wright et al., 2018 ; Duan et al., 2020 ). It is suggested that false self-presentation is significantly correlated with negative mental health, such as anxiety, depression, and stress ( Wright et al., 2018 ; Duan et al., 2020 ). In addition, identity experiments in online games are positively associated with feelings of loneliness. Players who create a game character that is inconsistent with their real identity are likely to feel lonely to a greater extent ( Visser et al., 2013 ).

Other Effects

Online identity reconstruction is positively associated with the responses of audiences ( Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ). Individuals who present themselves in a positive and socially desirable way receive more likes and comments from their friends on Facebook ( Bareket-Bojmel et al., 2016 ). It is suggested that trying out ideal selves in MySpace is beneficial for the development of adolescents’ personal identity ( Manago et al., 2008 ). In addition, online identity experiments stimulate adolescents’ communication with people of different ages and from different backgrounds, which in turn, makes them feel a higher level of social competence in the offline world ( Valkenburg and Peter, 2008 ).

Moderation and Mediation Effects

In addition to the direct effects, prior studies have also investigated the role of online identity reconstruction as a moderator or mediator. Huang et al. (2019) examined the predictors of online satisfaction. Their findings suggested that bridging social capital and privacy concern have significant impacts on satisfaction, and these influences are moderated by online identity reconstruction. For individuals who reconstruct their identity to a greater extent, the effect of bridging social capital on satisfaction is stronger, while the effect of privacy concern on satisfaction is weaker ( Huang et al., 2019 ). Kim and Tussyadiah (2013) found that social network site use was positively associated with the social support users receive, and this relationship was stronger among users who reconstructed their identity to build a positive self-image. In addition, Jackson and Luchner (2018) found that highly self-critical people (who point out their own perceived flaws frequently) more often presented themselves falsely with a deceptive intention. False self-presentation mediated the relationship between self-criticism and negative emotional response to Instagram feedback ( Jackson and Luchner, 2018 ).

This review has provided an overview of the current trends in online identity reconstruction research. In addition to summarizing the research contexts and sample characteristics, this study revealed that quantitative methods were the preferred methodological approach, and the most popular theories were Goffman’s self-presentation theory and Higgins’ self-discrepancy theory. The analysis of the key findings of existing literature provided insight into the motivations, strategies, predictors, and effects of online identity reconstruction. It is found that people might reconstruct their identity online to fulfill various social needs and security needs, such as to improve sexual attractiveness, explore identity, and protect privacy ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Ceyhan, 2014 ). The main strategies people use to reconstruct their identity online are positive self-presentation (e.g., presenting their ideal self) and false self-presentation (e.g., altering personal information; Michikyan et al., 2015 ; Kang and Wei, 2019 ). Personality traits, physical attractiveness level, psychological status, and demographic factors are important predictors of online identity reconstruction ( Bessière et al., 2007 ; Toma and Hancock, 2010 ; Utz et al., 2012 ; Wright et al., 2018 ). Moreover, online identity reconstruction has influences on individuals’ well-being (such as happiness, perceived support, and depression; Kim and Lee, 2011 ; Jang et al., 2018 ; Wright et al., 2018 ).

Based on the review of relevant articles, we found some weaknesses in online identity reconstruction research in the past years. There are some gaps in existing research. In the following section, we offer critiques and suggestions for possible future directions in online identity reconstruction research.

Recommendations for Future Research

First, more efforts should be made to explore the effectiveness of online identity reconstruction behavior. Previous research suggested that people may reconstruct their online identity due to different reasons. For example, some people reconstruct their identity to build a positive image and fulfill their need for vanity; some people want to extend their social network ( Hu et al., 2015 ). Although, existing studies have identified various motivations for online identity reconstruction, the effectiveness of online identity reconstruction is not clear. Do people really get what they want (e.g., more positive images and bridging social capital) through online identity reconstruction? Therefore, future studies are suggested to examine the effectiveness of online identity reconstruction. For example, experiments could be designed to evaluate the changes (if any) in perceived physical attractiveness or bridging social capital before and after online identity reconstruction.

Second, the causal relationship between online identity reconstruction and well-being is not clear. As suggested by the reviewed studies, negative psychological status is a significant predictor of online identity reconstruction behavior ( Valkenburg et al., 2005 ; Bessière et al., 2007 ; Michikyan et al., 2015 ), while online identity reconstruction is also associated with both positive and negative well-being ( Kim and Lee, 2011 ; Jang et al., 2018 ; Wright et al., 2018 ). However, the existing research used cross-sectional data. It is not clear whether well-being affects online identity reconstruction behavior (e.g., promote the behavior), or online identity reconstruction leads to negative (or positive) well-being. Therefore, longitudinal studies are needed to take a closer look at the causal relationship between well-being and online identity reconstruction. Future research can examine the long-term role of well-being in online identity reconstruction.

Third, opportunities exist to investigate the effects of the big five personality traits. Existing studies have examined the effect of personality traits on the behavior of online identity reconstruction ( Utz et al., 2012 ; Fox and Rooney, 2015 ; Gil-Or et al., 2015 ). However, they mainly focused on self-esteem or other traits related to physical appearance. There is a lack of research on the effect of the big five personality traits (i.e., Extraversion, Neuroticism, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and Openness to Experience). The big five personality traits were found to be significantly associated with self-presentation ( Lee et al., 2014 ; Eşkisu et al., 2017 ) and motivations for Facebook use ( Seidman, 2013 ). Therefore, it is likely that these personality traits can also influence online identity reconstruction behavior. Thus, future studies can investigate whether the big five personality traits are associated with the motivations for online identity reconstruction or the actual behavior of reconstructing an online identity.

Fourth, there is a lack of research on the potential negative impacts of online identity reconstruction. Some of the reviewed articles have examined online identity reconstruction in the context of online dating ( Yurchisin et al., 2005 ; Ellison et al., 2006 ; Wotipka and High, 2016 ; Ranzini and Lutz, 2017 ). Individuals mispresent their physical characteristics to make themselves more attractive to potential romantic partners ( Toma et al., 2008 ). Given that the online daters are expecting to build a romantic relationship in the offline world ( Toma and Hancock, 2010 ), they only reconstruct their identity to a limited extent. In the context of social network platforms, people may also face some difficulties when they try to reconstruct their identity, because the reconstructed online identity may be judged by their friends who share offline connections with them ( Zhao et al., 2008 ). It is also difficult to control the information posted by others ( Rui and Stefanone, 2013 ). Therefore, it is an interesting direction to investigate whether online identity reconstruction in a non-anonymous environment will induce negative impacts on individuals, such as reduced credibility or negative social evaluations.

Contributions and Limitations

As a literature review paper that looks closely into the phenomenon of online identity reconstruction, the present study makes several contributions. First, it provides a thorough understanding of online identity reconstruction by identifying the motivations, strategies, predictors, and effects of online identity reconstruction. In addition to these key findings, this study also analyzed the basic characteristics of related research. It provides an overview of the current status of emerging literature. We also identified several knowledge gaps after reviewing existing studies. The recommendations for future research may take the research of online identity reconstruction further. They offer clear directions for researchers in this field. However, this study also has limitations. It should be noted that non-English papers, conference proceedings, and book chapters were excluded from the literature search process. Although, we have increased the coverage of potentially relevant papers by searching several large databases, future reviews are suggested to enlarge the pool of literature selection to achieve a more complete understanding of online identity reconstruction phenomenon.

Author Contributions

JH, SK, and CH contributed to the conception and design of the study. SK provided the supervision and advice throughout this study. JH and CH contributed to the literature search, literature selection, and data analysis. JH wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (grant number: 72001097), the Education Department of Jiangxi Province under Grants GL20207 and JC20216, and University of Malaya under Grants RP020D – 14AFR and UM.C/625/1/HIR/MOHE/SC/13/3.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Keywords: identity reconstruction, false self-presentation, strategic self-presentation, internet, literature review

Citation: Huang J, Kumar S and Hu C (2021) A Literature Review of Online Identity Reconstruction. Front. Psychol . 12:696552. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.696552

Received: 17 April 2021; Accepted: 28 July 2021; Published: 23 August 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Huang, Kumar and Hu. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Chuan Hu, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research

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• Published: 22 November 2014

Dress, body and self: research in the social psychology of dress

• Kim Johnson 1 ,
• Sharron J Lennon 2 &
• Nancy Rudd 3  

Fashion and Textiles volume  1 , Article number:  20 ( 2014 ) Cite this article

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The purpose of this research was to provide a critical review of key research areas within the social psychology of dress. The review addresses published research in two broad areas: (1) dress as a stimulus and its influence on (a) attributions by others, attributions about self, and on one's behavior and (2) relationships between dress, the body, and the self. We identify theoretical approaches used in conducting research in these areas, provide an abbreviated background of research in these areas highlighting key findings, and identify future research directions and possibilities. The subject matter presented features developing topics within the social psychology of dress and is useful for undergraduate students who want an overview of the content area. It is also useful for graduate students (1) who want to learn about the major scholars in these key areas of inquiry who have moved the field forward, or (2) who are looking for ideas for their own thesis or dissertation research. Finally, information in this paper is useful for professors who research or teach the social psychology of dress.

Introduction

A few social scientists in the 19 th Century studied dress as related to culture, individuals, and social groups, but it was not until the middle of the 20 th Century that home economists began to pursue a scholarly interest in social science aspects of dress (Roach-Higgins 1993 ). Dress is defined as “an assemblage of modifications of the body and/or supplements to the body” (Roach-Higgins & Eicher 1992 , p. 1). Body modifications include cosmetic use, suntanning, piercing, tattooing, dieting, exercising, and cosmetic surgery among others. Body supplements include, but are not limited to, accessories, clothing, hearing aids, and glasses. By the 1950s social science theories from economics, psychology, social psychology, and sociology were being used to study dress and human behavior (Rudd 1991 , p. 24).

A range of topics might be included under the phrase social psychology of dress but we use it to refer to research that attempts to answer questions concerned with how an individual’s dress-related beliefs, attitudes, perceptions, feelings, and behaviors are shaped by others and one’s self. The social psychology of dress is concerned with how an individual’s dress affects the behavior of self as well as the behavior of others toward the self (Johnson & Lennon 2014 ).

Among several topics that could be included in a critical review of research addressing the social psychology of dress, we focused our work on a review of published research in two broad areas: (1) dress as a stimulus and its influence on (a) attributions by others, attributions about self, and on one’s own behavior and (2) relationships between dress, the body, and the self. Our goal was to identify theoretical approaches used in conducting research in these areas, provide an abbreviated background of research in these areas highlighting key findings, and to identify future research directions and possibilities. The content presented features developing topics within the social psychology of dress and is useful for undergraduate students who want an overview of the content area. It is also useful for graduate students (1) who want to learn about the major scholars in these key areas of inquiry who have moved the field forward, or (2) who are looking for ideas for their own thesis or dissertation research. Finally, information in this paper is useful for professors who research or teach the social psychology of dress.

Body supplements as stimulus variables

In studying the social psychology of dress, researchers have often focused on dress as a stimulus variable; for example, the effects of dress on impression formation, attributions, and social perception (see Lennon & Davis 1989 ) or the effects of dress on behaviors (see Johnson et al. 2008 ). The context within which dress is perceived (Damhorst 1984-85 ) as well as characteristics of perceivers of clothed individuals (Burns & Lennon 1993 ) also has a profound effect on what is perceived about others. In the remainder of this section we focus on three research streams that center on dress (i.e., body supplements) as stimuli.

Provocative dress as stimuli

In the 1980s researchers were interested in women’s provocative (revealing, sexy) dress and the extent to which men and women attributed the same meaning to it. For example, both Edmonds and Cahoon ( 1986 ) and Cahoon and Edmonds ( 1987 ) found ratings of women who wore provocative dress were more negative than ratings of women who wore non-provocative dress. No specific theory was identified by these authors as guiding their research. Overall, when wearing provocative dress a model was rated more sexually appealing, more attractive, less faithful in marriage, more likely to engage in sexual teasing, more likely to use sex for personal gain, more likely to be sexually experienced, and more likely to be raped than when wearing conservative dress. Cahoon and Edmonds found that men and women made similar judgments, although men’s were more extreme than women’s. Abbey et al. ( 1987 ) studied whether women’s sexual intent and interest as conveyed by revealing dress was misinterpreted by men. The authors developed two dress conditions: revealing (slit skirt, low cut blouse, high heeled shoes) and non-revealing (skirt without a slit, blouse buttoned to neck, boots). Participants rated the stimulus person on a series of adjective traits. As compared to when wearing the non-revealing clothing, when wearing the revealing clothing the stimulus person was rated significantly more flirtatious, sexy, seductive, promiscuous, sophisticated, assertive, and less sincere and considerate. This research was not guided by theory.

Taking this research another step forward, in the 1990s dress researchers began to investigate how women’s provocative (revealing, sexy) dress was implicated in attributions of responsibility for their own sexual assaults (Lewis & Johnson 1989 ; Workman & Freeburg 1999 ; Workman & Orr 1996 ) and sexual harassment (Johnson & Workman 1992 , 1994 ; Workman & Johnson 1991 ). These researchers tended to use attribution theories (McLeod, 2010 ) to guide their research. Their results showed that provocative, skimpy, see-through, or short items of dress, as well as use of heavy makeup (body modification), were cues used to assign responsibility to women for their sexual assaults and experiences of sexual harassment. For example, Johnson and Workman ( 1992 ) studied likelihood of sexual harassment as a function of women’s provocative dress. A model was photographed wearing a dark suit jacket, above-the-knee skirt, a low-cut blouse, dark hose, and high heels (provocative condition) or wearing a dark suit jacket, below-the-knee skirt, high-cut blouse, neutral hose, and moderate heels (non-provocative condition). As compared to when wearing non-provocative dress, when wearing provocative dress the model was rated as significantly more likely to provoke sexual harassment and to be sexually harassed.

Recently, researchers have resurrected the topic of provocative (revealing, sexy) dress. However, their interest is in determining the extent to which women and girls are depicted in provocative dress in the media (in magazines, in online retail stores) and the potential consequences of those depictions, such as objectification. These researchers have often used objectification theory to guide their research. According to objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts 1997 ) women living in sexually saturated cultures are looked at, evaluated, and potentially objectified and treated as objects valued for their use by others. Objectification theory focuses on sexual objectification as a function of objectifying gaze, which is experienced in actual social encounters, media depictions of social encounters, and media depictions that focus on bodies and body parts. The theory explains that objectifying gaze evokes an objectified state of consciousness which influences self-perceptions. This objectified state of consciousness has consequences such as habitual body and appearance monitoring and requires cognitive effort that can result in difficulty with task performance (Szymanski et al. 2011 ). In such an environment, women may perceive their bodies from a third-person perspective, treating themselves as objects to be looked at and evaluated.

Self-objectification occurs when people perceive and describe their bodies as a function of appearance instead of accomplishments (Harrison & Fredrickson 2003 ). Experimental research shows that self-objectification in women can be induced by revealing clothing manipulations such as asking women to try on and evaluate the fit of a swimsuit as compared to a bulky sweater (Fredrickson et al. 1998 ).

To examine changes in sexualizing (provocative) characteristics with which girls are portrayed in the media, researchers have content analyzed girls’ clothing in two magazines (Graff et al. 2013 ). Clothing was coded as having sexualizing characteristics (e.g., tightness, bare midriffs, high-heeled shoes) and childlike characteristics (e.g., frills, childlike print, pigtail hair styles). The researchers found an increase in sexualized aspects of dress in depictions of girls from 1971 through 2011. To determine the extent of sexualization in girls’ clothing, researchers have content analyzed girls’ clothing available on 15 retailer websites (Goodin et al. 2011 ). Every girl’s clothing item on each of the retailer websites was coded for sexualizing aspects; 4% was coded as definitely sexualizing. Ambiguously sexualizing clothing (25%) had both sexualizing and childlike characteristics. Abercrombie Kids’ clothing had a higher percentage of sexualizing characteristics than all the other stores (44% versus 4%). These two studies document that girls are increasingly depicted in sexualizing clothing in U.S. media and that they are offered sexualized clothing by major retailers via their websites.

Since girls are increasingly sexualized, to determine if sexualized dress affects how girls are perceived by others Graff et al. ( 2012 ) designed an experiment wherein they manipulated the sexualizing aspects of the clothing of a 5 th grade girl. There were three clothing conditions: childlike (a grey t-shirt, jeans, and black Mary Jane shoes), ambiguously sexualized (leopard print dress of moderate length), highly sexualized (short dress, leopard print cardigan, purse). In the definitely sexualized condition, undergraduate students rated the girl as less moral, self-respecting, capable, determined, competent, and intelligent than when she was depicted in either the childlike or the ambiguously sexualized conditions. Thus, wearing sexualized clothing can affect how girls are perceived by others, so it is possible that sexualized clothing could lead to self-objectification in girls just as in the case of women (Tiggemann & Andrew 2012 ).

Objectification theory has been useful in identifying probable processes underlying the association between women’s provocative dress and negative inferences. In a study using adult stimuli, Gurung and Chrouser ( 2007 ) presented photos of female Olympic athletes in uniform and in provocative (defined as minimal) dress. College women rated the photos and when provocatively dressed, as compared to the uniform condition, the women were rated as more attractive, more feminine, more sexually experienced, more desirable, but also less capable, less strong, less determined, less intelligent, and as having less self-respect. These results are similar to what had previously been found by researchers in the 1980s (Abbey et al. 1987 ; Cahoon & Edmonds 1987 ; Edmonds & Cahoon 1986 ). This outcome is considered objectifying because the overall impression is negative and sexist. Thus, this line of research does more than demonstrate that provocative dress evokes inferences, it suggests the process by which that occurs: provocative dress leads to objectification of the woman so dressed and it is the objectification that leads to the inferences.

In a more direct assessment of the relationship between provocative dress and objectification of others, Holland and Haslam ( 2013 ) manipulated the dress (provocative or plain clothing) of two models (thin or overweight) who were rated equally attractive in facial attractiveness. Since objectification involves inspecting the body, the authors measured participants’ attention to the models’ bodies. Objectification also involves denying human qualities to the objectified person. Two such qualities are perceived agency (e.g., ability to think and form intentions) and moral agency (e.g., capacity to engage in moral or immoral actions). Several findings are relevant to the research on provocative dress. As compared to models wearing plain clothing, models wearing provocative clothing were attributed less perceived agency (e.g., ability to reason, ability to choose) and less moral agency [e.g., “how intentional do you believe the woman’s behavior is?” (p. 463)]. Results showed that more objectified gaze was directed toward the bodies of the models when they were dressed in provocative clothing as compared to when dressed in plain clothing. This outcome is considered objectifying because the models’ bodies were inspected more when wearing provocative dress, and because in that condition they were perceived as having less of the qualities normally attributed to humans.

In an experimental study guided by objectification theory, Tiggemann and Andrew ( 2012 ) studied the effects of clothing on self-perceptions of state self-objectification, state body shame, state body dissatisfaction, and negative mood. However, unlike studies (e.g., Fredrickson et al. 1998 ) in which participants were asked to try on and evaluate either a bathing suit or a sweater, Tiggemann and Andrew instructed their participants to “imagine what you would be seeing, feeling, and thinking” (p. 648) in scenarios. There were four scenarios: thinking about wearing a bathing suit in public, thinking about wearing a bathing suit in a dressing room, thinking about wearing a sweater in public, and thinking about wearing a sweater in a dressing room. The researchers found main effects for clothing such that as compared to thinking about wearing a sweater, thinking about wearing a bathing suit resulted in higher state self-objectification, higher state body shame, higher state body dissatisfaction, and greater negative mood. The fact that the manipulation only involved thinking about wearing clothing, rather than actually wearing such clothing, demonstrates the power of revealing (provocative, sexy) dress in that we only have to think about wearing it to have it affect our self-perceptions.

Taking extant research into account we encourage researchers to continue to investigate the topic of provocative (sexy, revealing) dress for both men and women to replicate the results for women and to determine if revealing dress for men might evoke the kinds of inferences evoked by women wearing revealing dress. Furthermore, research that delineates the role of objectification in the process by which this association between dress and inferences occurs would be useful. Although it would not be ethical to use the experimental strategy used by previous researchers (Fredrickson et al. 1998 ) with children, it is possible that researchers could devise correlational studies to investigate the extent to which wearing and/or viewing sexualized clothing might lead to self- and other-objectification in girls.

Research on red dress

Researchers who study the social psychology of dress have seldom focused on dress color. However, in the 1980s and 1990s a few researchers investigated color in the context of retail color analysis systems that focused on personal coloring (Abramov 1985 ; Francis & Evans 1987 ; Hilliker & Rogers 1988 ; Radeloff 1991 ). For example, Francis and Evans found that stimulus persons were actually perceived positively when not wearing their recommended personal colors. Hilliker and Rogers surveyed managers of apparel stores about the use of color analysis systems and found some impact on the marketplace, but disagreement among the managers on the value of the systems. Abramov critiqued color analysis for being unclear, ambiguous, and for the inability to substantiate claims. Most of these studies were not guided by a psychological theory of color.

Since the 1990s, researchers have developed a theory of color psychology (Elliot & Maier 2007 ) called color-in-context theory. Like other variables that affect social perception, the theory explains that color also conveys meaning which varies as a function of the context in which the color is perceived. Accordingly, the meanings of colors are learned over time through repeated pairings with a particular experience or message (e.g., red stop light and danger) or with biological tendencies to respond to color in certain contexts. For example, female non-human primates display red on parts of their bodies when nearing ovulation; hence red is associated with lust, fertility, and sexuality (Guéguen and Jacob 2013 ). As a function of these associations between colors and experiences, messages, or biological tendencies, people either display approach responses or avoidance responses but are largely unaware of how color affects them. In this section we review studies that examine the effects of red in relational contexts such as interpersonal attraction. However, there is evidence that red is detrimental in achievement (i.e., academic or hiring) contexts (e.g., Maier et al. 2013 ) and that red signals dominance and affects outcomes in competitive sporting contests (e.g., Feltman and Elliot 2011 ; Hagemann et al. 2008 ).

Recently researchers have used color-in-context theory to study the effects of red dress (shirts, dresses) on impressions related to sexual intent, attractiveness, dominance, and competence. Some of these studies were guided by color-in-context theory. Guéguen ( 2012 ) studied men’s perceptions of women’s sexual intent and attractiveness as a function of shirt color. Male participants viewed a photo of a woman wearing a t-shirt that varied in color. When wearing a red t-shirt as compared to the other colors, the woman was judged to be more attractive and to have greater sexual intent. Pazda et al. ( 2014a , [ b ]) conducted an experiment designed to determine why men perceive women who wear red to be more attractive than those who wear other colors. They argued that red is associated with sexual receptivity due to cultural pairings of red and female sexuality (e.g., red light district, sexy red lingerie). Men participated in an online experiment in which they were exposed to a woman wearing either a red, black, or white dress. When wearing the red dress the woman was rated as more sexually receptive than when wearing either the white or the black dresses. The woman was also rated on attractiveness and by performing a mediation analysis the researchers determined that when wearing the red dress, the ratings of her attractiveness as a function of red were no longer significant; in other words, the reason she was rated as more attractive when wearing the red dress was due to the fact that she was also perceived as more sexually receptive.

Pazda et al. ( 2014a , [ b ]), interested in women’s perceptions of other women as a function of their clothing color, conducted a series of experiments. They reasoned that like men, women would also make the connection between a woman’s red dress and her sexual receptivity and perceive her to be a sexual competitor. In their first experiment they found that women rated the stimulus woman as more sexually receptive when wearing a red dress as compared to when she was wearing a white dress. In a second experiment the woman wearing a red dress was not only rated more sexually receptive, she was also derogated more since ratings of her sexual fidelity were lower when wearing a red dress as compared to a white dress. Finally, in a third experiment the stimulus woman was again rated more sexually receptive; this time when she wore a red shirt as compared to when she wore a green shirt. The authors assessed the likelihood that their respondents would introduce the stimulus person to their boyfriends and the likelihood that they would let their boyfriends spend time with the stimulus person. Participants in the red shirt condition were more likely to keep their boyfriends from interacting with the stimulus person than participants in the green shirt condition. Thus, both men and women indicated women wearing red are sexually receptive.

Also interested in color, Roberts et al. ( 2010 ) were interested in determining whether clothing color affects the wearer of the clothing (e.g., do women act provocatively when wearing red clothing?) or does clothing color affect the perceiver of the person wearing the colored clothing. To answer this question, they devised a complicated series of experiments. In the first study, male and female models (ten of each) were photographed wearing each of six different colors of t-shirts. Undergraduates of the opposite sex rated the photographed models on attractiveness. Both male and female models were rated most attractive when wearing red and black t-shirts. In study two the same photos were used, but the t-shirts were masked by a gray rectangle. Compared to when they wore white t-shirts, male models were judged to be more attractive by both men and women when they wore the red t-shirts, even though the red color was not visible. In the third study the t-shirt colors in the photos were digitally altered, so that images could be compared in which red or white t-shirts were worn with those in which red had been altered to white and white had been altered to red. Male models wearing red were rated more attractive than male models wearing white that had been altered to appear red. Also male models wearing red shirts digitally altered to appear white were rated more attractive than male models actually photographed in white. These effects did not occur for female models. The authors reasoned that if clothing color only affected perceivers, then the results should be the same when a model is photographed in red as well as when the model is photographed in white which is subsequently altered to appear red. Since this did not happen, the authors concluded that clothing color affects both the wearer and the perceiver.

In addition, the effects of red dress on impressions also extend to behaviors. Kayser et al. ( 2010 ) conducted a series of experiments. For experiment one, a female stimulus person was photographed in either a red t-shirt or a green one. Male participants were shown a photo of the woman and given a list of questions from which to choose five to ask her. Because women wearing red are perceived to be more sexually receptive and to have greater sexual intent than when wearing other colors, the researchers expected the men who saw the woman in the red dress to select intimate questions to ask and this is what they found. In a second experiment, the female stimulus person wore either a red or a blue t-shirt. After seeing her picture the male participants were told that they would be interacting with her, where she would be sitting, and that they could place their chairs wherever they wished to sit. The men expecting to interact with the red-shirted woman placed their chairs significantly closer to her chair than when they expected to interact with a blue-shirted woman.

In a field experiment (Guéguen 2012 ), five female confederates wore t-shirts of red or other colors and stood by the side of a road to hitchhike. The t-shirt color did not affect women drivers, but significantly more men stopped to pick up the female confederates when they wore the red t-shirts as compared to all the other colors. In a similar study researchers (Guéguen & Jacob 2013 ) altered the color of a woman’s clothing on an online meeting site so that the woman was shown wearing red or several other colors. The women received significantly more contacts when her clothing had been altered to be red than any of the other t-shirt colors.

Researchers should continue conducting research about the color of dress items using color-in-context theory. One context important to consider in this research stream is the cultural context within which the research is conducted. To begin, other colors in addition to red should be studied for their meanings within and across cultural contexts. Since red is associated with sexual receptivity, red clothing should be investigated in the context of the research on provocative dress. For example, would women wearing red revealing dress be judged more provocative than women wearing the same clothing in different colors? Also researchers interested in girls’ and women’s depictions in the media, could investigate the effects of red dress on perceptions of sexual intent and objectification.

Effects of dress on the behavior of the wearer

Several researchers studying the social psychology of dress have reviewed the research literature (Davis 1984 ; Lennon and Davis 1989 ) and some have analyzed that research (see Damhorst 1990 ; Hutton 1984 ; Johnson et al. 2008 for reviews). In these reviews, Damhorst and Hutton focused on the effect of dress on person perception or impression formation. Johnson et al., however, focused their analysis on behaviors evoked by dress. An emerging line of research focuses on the effects of dress on the behavior of the wearer (Adam and Galinsky 2012 ; Frank and Galinsky 1988 ; Fredrickson et al. 1998 ; Gino et al. 2010 ; Hebl et al. 2004 ; Kouchaki et al. 2014 ; Martins et al. 2007 ).

Fredrickson et al. ( 1998 ), Hebl et al. ( 2004 ), and Martins et al. ( 2007 ) all used objectification theory to guide experiments about women’s and men’s body image experience. They were interested in the extent to which wearing revealing dress could trigger self-objectification. The theory predicts that self-objectification manifests in performance detriments on a task subsequent to a self-objectifying experience. Frederickson et al. had participants complete a shopping task. They entered a dressing room, tried on either a one piece swimsuit or a bulky sweater, and evaluated the fit in a mirror as they would if buying the garment. Then they completed a math performance test. The women who wore a swimsuit performed more poorly on the math test than women wearing a sweater; no such effects were found for men. A few years later Hebl et al. ( 2004 ) used the same procedure to study ethnic differences in self-objectification. Participants were Caucasian, African American, Hispanic, and Asian American undergraduate men and women. Participants completed the same shopping task and math test. Participants who tried on the swimsuits performed worse on the math test than participants who tried on the sweater and these results held for both men and women of all ethnicities.

Martins et al. ( 2007 ) used the same shopping task as Frederickson et al. ( 1998 ) and Hebl et al. ( 2004 ), but employed a different behavioral measure. Their participants were gay and heterosexual men and the garment they tried on was either Speedo men’s briefs or a turtleneck sweater. After the shopping task the men were given the opportunity to sample and evaluate a snack and the amount eaten was measured. Wearing the Speedo affected eating for the gay men, but not the heterosexual men, such that gay men in the Speedo condition ate significantly less of the snack than gay men in the sweater condition. Taken together these studies demonstrate that a nominal clothing manipulation can have effects on the behavior of the wearer.

In one of the first studies to demonstrate the effects of clothing on the wearer, Frank and Gilovich ( 1988 ) noted that the color black is associated with evil and death in many cultures. They studied the extent to which players wearing black uniforms were judged more evil and aggressive than players wearing uniforms of other colors. They analyzed penalties awarded for aggressive behavior in football and ice hockey players. Players who wore black uniforms received more penalties for their aggressive behavior than those who wore other uniform colors. Since the penalty results could be due to biased refereeing, the authors videotaped a staged football game in which the defensive team wore either black or white uniforms. The same events were depicted in each version of the videotape. Participants watched short videos and rated the plays as more aggressive when the team members wore black as compared to white uniforms. In another part of the study, participants were assigned to wear either black or white uniform shirts. While wearing the shirts they were asked the type of games they would like to play; the black-shirted participants selected more aggressive games than the white-shirted participants. The authors interpreted the results of all the studies to mean that players wearing black are aggressive. Yet, when the level of aggressiveness was held constant in the staged football game, referees still perceived black-uniformed players to be more aggressive than white-uniformed players. The authors concluded that the color of the black uniform affects the wearer and the perceiver. This study’s results are similar to those of the researchers studying red dress who found that the color red is associated with a cultural meaning that affects both the wearer and the perceiver of the red dress (Roberts et al. 2010 ).

In a similar way, Adam and Galinsky ( 2012 ) determined that when clothing has symbolic meaning for the wearer, it also affects the wearer’s behavior. The researchers found that a white lab coat was associated with traits related to attentiveness. Then they conducted an experiment in which one group wore a white lab coat described as a painter’s coat and another group wore the same lab coat which was described as a medical doctor’s lab coat. A third group saw, but did not wear, a lab coat described as a medical doctor’s lab coat. Participants then performed an experimental task that required selective attention. The group that wore the coat described as a medical doctor’s lab coat outperformed both of the other two groups.

Gino et al. ( 2010 ) studied the effects of wearing designer sunglasses that were described either as counterfeit or authentic Chloe sunglasses on one’s own behaviors and perceptions of others. Although counterfeits convey status to others, they also mean that the wearers are pretending to be something they are not (i.e., wealthy enough to purchase authentic sunglasses). Participants who thought they were wearing fake sunglasses cheated significantly more on two experimental tasks than those who thought they were wearing authentic sunglasses. In a second experiment, the researchers showed that participants who believed they were wearing counterfeit sunglasses perceived others’ behaviors as more dishonest, less truthful, and more likely to be unethical than those wearing authentic sunglasses. In a third experiment the researchers showed that the effect for wearing counterfeit sunglasses on one’s own behavior was due to the meaning of inauthenticity attributed to the counterfeit sunglasses. Consistent with Adam and Galinsky ( 2012 ) and Frank and Gilovich (1988), in Gino et al. the effect of dress on one’s own behavior was due to the meaning of the dress cue in a context relevant to the meaning of that dress cue. While none of these three studies articulated a specific theory to guide their research, Adams and Galinsky outlined an enclothed cognition framework, which explained that dress affects wearers due to the symbolic meaning of the dress and the physical experience of wearing that dress item.

To summarize the research on the effects of dress on the behavior of the wearer, each of these studies reported research focused on a dress cue associated with cultural meaning. Some of the researchers had to first determine that meaning. The manipulations were designed so that the meaning of the dress cues was salient for the context of the manipulation. For example, in the objectification studies the revealingness of dress was varied in the context of a dressing room mirror where the revealing nature of the cue would be relevant. So to extend the enclothed cognition framework, we suggest that for dress to affect the wearer, the context of the experimental task needs to be such that the meaning of the dress item is salient.

Future researchers may continue to pursue the effects of dress on the wearer. The extended enclothed cognition framework could be applied to school uniforms. A possible research question could be that if school uniforms are associated with powerlessness among schoolchildren, would wearing school uniforms affect the level of effort children expend to solve homework problems or write papers?

It is interesting that previous researchers who examined the effect of school uniforms on various tasks did not ask children what associations uniforms had for them (e.g., Behling 1994 , 1995 ; Behling and Williams 1991 ). This question is clearly an avenue for renewed research in this area. Another situation to which the extended enclothed cognition framework might be investigated is in the context of professional sports. Since wearing a sweatshirt or cap with a professional team’s logo is associated with being a fan of that team, would people wearing those items evaluate that team’s performance higher than people wearing another team’s logos? Would they provide more excuses for their team than fans not wearing the team’s logos? We encourage researchers to continue to investigate the effects of dress on one’s own behaviors utilizing a range of dress cues (e.g., cosmetics, tattoos, and piercings).

Dress and the self

An ongoing area of research within the social psychology of dress is relationships between dress and the self. Although some researchers use the terms identity and self interchangeably, it is our position that they are not the same concepts but are related. We begin our discussion of the self with research on the body.

The physical body and the self

Whereas the first section of our review focused on body supplements (i.e., the clothed body), this section focuses on body modifications or how the body is altered. Within this discussion, the two research directions that we include are (1) body modifications that carry some risk, as opposed to routine modifications that typically do not, and (2) the influence of body talk and social comparison as variables influencing body image.

Body modifications that carry some risk

Societal standards of attractiveness in the Western world often focus on a thin appearance for women and a mesomorphic but muscular appearance for men (Karazia et al. 2013 ). Internalization of societal standards presented through various media outlets is widely recognized as a primary predictor of body dissatisfaction and risky appearance management behaviors including eating pathology among women (Cafri et al. 2005a , [ b ]), muscle enhancement and disordered eating behaviors in men (Tylka 2011 ), tattooing among young adults (Mun et al. 2012 ), and tanning among adolescents (Prior et al. 2014 ; Yoo & Kim, 2014 ). While there are several other risky appearance management behaviors in the early stages of investigation (e.g., extreme body makeovers, cosmetic procedures on male and female private parts, multiple cosmetic procedures), we isolate just a few behaviors to illustrate the impact of changing standards of attractiveness on widespread appearance management practices in the presentation of self.

Experimental research has demonstrated that exposure to social and cultural norms for appearance (via idealized images) leads to greater dissatisfaction with the body in general for both men and women (Blond 2008 ; Grabe et al. 2008 ); yet a meta-analysis of eight research studies conducted in real life settings suggested that these appearance norms were more rigid, narrowly defined, and prevalent for women than for men (Buote et al. 2011 ). These researchers also noted that women reported frequent exposure to social norms of appearance (i.e., considered bombardment by many women), the norms themselves were unrealistic, yet the nature of the messages was that these norms are perfectly attainable with enough time, money, and effort. Men, on the other hand, indicated that they were exposed to flexible social norms of appearance, and therefore report feeling less pressure to attain a particular standard in presenting their appearance to others (Buote et al. 2011 ).

Eating disorders

A recent stream of research related to individuals with eating disorders is concerned with the practice of body checking (i.e., weighing, measuring or otherwise assessing body parts through pinching, sucking in the abdomen, tapping it for flatness). Such checking behaviors may morph into body avoidance (i.e., avoiding looking in mirrors or windows at one’s reflection, avoiding gym locker rooms or situations involving showing the body to others) (White & Warren 2011 ), the manifestation of eating disorders (Haase et al. 2011 ), obsession with one’s weight or body shape, and a critical evaluation of either aspect (Smeets et al. 2011 ). The propensity to engage in body checking appears to be tied to ethnicity as White and Warren found, in their comparison of Caucasian women and women of color (Asian American, African American, and Latin American). They found significant differences in body checking and avoidance behaviors in Caucasian women and Asian American women over African American and Latin American women. Across all the women, White and Warren found positive and significant correlations between body checking and (1) avoidance behaviors and higher body mass index, (2) internalization of a thin ideal appearance, (3) eating disturbances, and (4) other clinical impairments such as debilitating negative thoughts.

Another characteristic of individuals with eating disorders is that they habitually weigh themselves. Self-weighing behaviors and their connection to body modification has been the focus of several researchers. Research teams have documented that self-weighing led to weight loss maintenance (Butryn et al. 2007 ) and prevention of weight gain (Levitsky et al. 2006 ). Other researchers found that self-weighing contributed to risky weight control behaviors such as fasting (Neumark-Sztainer et al. 2006 ) and even to weight gain (Needham et al. 2010 ). Lately, gender differences have also been investigated relative to self-weighing. Klos et al. ( 2012 ) found self-weighing was related to a strong investment in appearance, preoccupation with body shape, and higher weight among women. However, among men self-weighing was related to body satisfaction, investment in health and fitness, and positive evaluation of health.

One interesting departure from weight as a generalized aspect of body concern among women is the examination of wedding-related weight change. Considering the enormous cost of weddings, estimated to average $20,000 in the United States (Wong 2005 ), and the number of wedding magazines, websites, and self-help books on weddings (Villepigue et al. 2005 ), it is not surprising that many brides-to-be want to lose weight for their special occasion. Researchers have shown that an average amount of intended weight loss prior to a wedding is 20 pounds in both the U.S. and Australia with between 12% and 33% of brides-to-be reporting that they had been advised by someone else to lose weight (Prichard & Tiggemann 2009 ). About 50% of brides hoped to achieve weight loss, yet most brides did not actually experience a change in weight (Prichard & Tiggemann, 2014 ); however, when questioned about six months after their weddings, brides indicated that they had gained about four pounds. Those who were told to lose weight by significant others such as friends, family members, or fiancé gained significantly more than those who were not told to do so, suggesting that wedding-related weight change can have repercussions for post wedding body satisfaction and eating behaviors. Regaining weight is typical, given that many people who lose weight regain it with a year or so of losing it.

Drive for muscularity

Researchers have found that body modifications practiced by men are related more to developing muscularity than to striving for a thin body (Cafri et al. 2005a , [ b ]) with particular emphasis placed on developing the upper body areas of chest and biceps (Thompson & Cafri 2007 ). The means to achieve this body modification may include risky behaviors such as excessive exercise and weight training, extreme dieting and dehydration to emphasize musculature, and use of appearance or performance enhancing substances (Hildebrandt et al. 2010 ).

One possible explanation for men’s drive for muscularity may be objectification. While objectification theory was originally proposed to address women’s objectification, it has been extended to men (Hebl et al. 2004 ; Martins et al. 2007 ). These researchers determined that like women, men are objectified in Western and westernized culture and can be induced to self-objectify via revealing clothing manipulations.

Researchers have also examined how men are affected by media imagery that features buff, well-muscled, thin, attractive male bodies as the aesthetic norm. Kolbe and Albanese ( 1996 ) undertook a content analysis of men’s lifestyle magazines and found that most of the advertised male bodies were not “ordinary,” but were strong and hard bodies, or as the authors concluded, objectified and depersonalized. Pope et al. ( 2000 ) found that advertisements for many types of products from cars to underwear utilized male models with body-builder physiques (i.e., exaggerated “6 pack” abdominal muscles, huge chests and shoulders, yet lean); they suggested that men had become focused on muscularity as a cultural symbol of masculinity because they perceived that women were usurping some of their social standing in the workforce. Hellmich ( 2000 ) concurred and suggested that men were overwhelmed with images of half-naked, muscular men and that they too were targets of objectification. Other researchers (e.g., Elliott & Elliott 2005 ; Patterson & England 2000 ) confirmed these findings – that most images in men’s magazines featured mesomorphic, strong, muscular, and hyper-masculine bodies.

How do men respond to such advertising images? Elliott and Elliott ( 2005 ) conducted focus interviews with 40 male college students, ages 18-31, and showed them six different advertisements in lifestyles magazines. They found six distinct types of response, two negative, two neutral, and two positive. Negative responses were (1) homophobic (those who saw the ads as stereotypically homosexual, bordering on pornography), perhaps threatening their own perceived masculinity or (2) gender stereotyping (those who saw the ads as depicting body consciousness or vanity, traits that they considered to be feminine). Neutral responses were (3) legitimizing exploitation as a marketing tool (those who recognized that naked chests or exaggerated body parts were shown and sometimes with no heads, making them less than human, but recognizing that sex sells products), and (4) disassociating oneself from the muscular body ideals shown in the ads (recognizing that the images represented unattainable body types or shapes). Positive responses were (5) admiration of real or attainable “average” male bodies and (6) appreciating some naked advertising images as art, rather than as sexual objects. The researchers concluded that men do see their gender objectified in advertising, resulting in different responses or perceived threats to self.

There is evidence that experiencing these objectified images of the male body is also partially responsible for muscle dysmorphia, a condition in which men become obsessed with achieving muscularity (Leit et al. 2002 ). Understanding contributors to the development of muscle dysmorphia is important as the condition can lead to risky appearance management behaviors such as extreme body-building, eating disorders, and use of anabolic steroids to gain bulk (Bradley et al. 2014 ; Maida & Armstrong 2005 ). In an experiment, Maida and Armstrong exposed 82 undergraduate men to 30 slides of advertisements and then asked them to complete a body image perception test. Men’s body satisfaction was affected by exposure to the images, such that they wanted to be notably more muscular than they were.

Contemporary researchers have found that drive for muscularity is heightened among men when there is a perceived threat to their masculinity such as performance on some task (Steinfeldt et al. 2011 ) or perceiving that they hold some less masculine traits (Blashill, 2011). Conversely, researchers have also suggested that body dissatisfaction and drive for muscularity can be reduced by developing a mindfulness approach to the body characterized by attention to present-moment experiences such as how one might feel during a certain activity like yoga or riding a bicycle (Lavender et al. 2012 ). While the investigation of mindfulness to mitigate negative body image and negative appearance behaviors is relatively new, it is a promising area of investigation.

Tattooing is not necessarily a risky behavior in and of itself, as most tattoo parlors take health precautions with the use of sterile instruments and clean environments. However, research has focused on other risk-taking behaviors that tattooed individuals may engage in, including drinking, smoking, shoplifting, and drug use (Deschesnes et al. 2006 ) as well as and early and risky sexual activity (Koch, Roberts, Armstrong, & Owen, 2007). Tattoos have also been studied as a bodily expression of uniqueness (Mun et al. 2012 ; Tiggemann & Hopkins 2011 ) but not necessarily reflecting a stronger investment in appearance (Tiggemann & Hopkins 2011 ).

Tanning behaviors are strongly associated with skin cancer, just as smoking is associated with lung cancer. In fact, the International Agency for Research on Cancer of the World Health Organization has classified ultraviolet radiation from the sun and tanning devices that emit ultraviolet light as group 1 carcinogens, placing ultraviolet radiation in the same category as tobacco use (World Health Organization, 2012 ). Yet, tanning behaviors are prevalent among many young adults and adolescents causing them to be at increased risk of skin cancer, particularly with indoor tanning devices (Boniol et al. 2012 ; Lostritto et al. 2012 ). Studies of motives for tanning among these populations suggest that greater tanning behavior, for both genders, is correlated with high investment in appearance, media influences, and the influence of friends and significant others (Prior et al. 2014 ). Frequent tanning behaviors in adolescent boys have been related to extreme weight control, substance use, and victimization (Blashill 2013 ). Among young adults, Yoo and Kim ( 2014 ) identified three attitudes toward tanning that were related to tanning behaviors. The attitude that tanning was a pleasurable activity influenced indoor and outdoor tanning behaviors. The attitude that a tan enhances physical attractiveness influenced use of tanning beds and sunless tanning products. The attitude that tanning is a healthy behavior influenced outdoor tanning. They advised that tanning behaviors could be studied further particularly in relation to other risky behaviors.

Body talk and the self

A relatively recent line of investigation concerns the impact of talk about the body on perceptions of self. One would think that communication among friends would typically strengthen feelings of self-esteem and psychological well-being (Knickmeyer et al. 2002 ). Yet, certain types of communication, such as complaining about one’s body or appearance, may negatively impact feelings about the self (Tucker et al. 2007 ), particularly in the case of “fat talk” or disparaging comments about body size, weight, and fear of becoming fat (Ousley et al. 2008 ; Warren et al. 2012 ). Such fat talk has become normative behavior among women and, according to one study, occurs in over 90% of women (Salk & Engeln-Maddox 2011 ) and, according to another study, occurs in women of all ages and body sizes (Martz et al. 2009 ) because women feel pressure to be self-critical about their bodies. More women than men reported exposure to fat talk in their circle of friends and acquaintances and greater pressure to engage in it (Salk & Engeln-Maddox). Thus, fat talk extends body dissatisfaction into interpersonal relationships (Arroyo & Harwood 2012 ).

Sladek et al. ( 2014 ) reported a series of studies that elaborated on the investigation of body talk among men, concluding that men’s body talk has two distinct aspects, one related to weight and the other to muscularity. After developing a scale that showed strong test-retest reliability among college men, they found that body talk about muscularity was associated with dissatisfaction with the upper body, strong drive for muscularity, symptoms of muscle dysmorphia, and investment in appearance. Body talk about weight was associated with upper body dissatisfaction, symptoms of muscle dysmorphia, and disordered eating attitudes and behaviors. They suggest future research in body talk conversations among men and boys of all ages, from different cultural backgrounds, and in different contexts.

Negative body talk among men appears to be less straightforward than that among women (Engeln et al. 2013 ). These researchers reported that men’s body talk included both positive elements and negative elements, while that of women tended to focus on the negative, perhaps reflecting an accepting body culture among men in which they can praise one another as well as commiserate with other men on issues regarding muscularity and weight. Yet, both muscle talk and fat talk were found to decrease state appearance self-esteem and to increase state body dissatisfaction among men.

While the fat talk literature clearly establishes the normative occurrence of this type of communication, as well as establishes the negative impact on the self, the literature has not delved into theoretical explanations for its existence. Arroyo ( 2014 ) has posited a relationship between fat talk and three body image theories (self-discrepancy, social comparison, and objectification), and suggested that degree of body dissatisfaction could serve as a mediating mechanism. Self-discrepancy theory suggests that the discrepancy between one’s actual self and one’s ideal self on any variable, such as weight or attractiveness, motivates people to try to achieve that ideal (Jacobi & Cash 1994 ). Social comparison theory (Festinger 1954 ) explains that we compare ourselves to others on some variable of comparison. When we compare ourselves to others who we believe to be better than ourselves (upward comparison) on this variable (say, for example, thinner or more attractive), we may feel worse about ourselves and engage in both non-risky and risky behaviors such as extreme weight control to try to meet those expectations (Ridolfi et al. 2011 ; Rudd & Lennon 1994 ). Objectification theory, as mentioned earlier in this paper, states that bodies are treated as objects to be evaluated and perceived by others (Szymanski et al. 2011 ); self-objectification occurs when individuals look upon themselves as objects to be evaluated by others.

Arroyo ( 2014 ) surveyed 201 college women to see what effect weight discrepancy, upward comparison, and objectified body consciousness had on fat talk; a mediating variable of body dissatisfaction was investigated. She found that how satisfied or dissatisfied the women did indeed impact how they felt about each variable. Each of the three predictor variables was positively associated with body dissatisfaction and higher body dissatisfaction predicted fat talk. She concluded that fat talk is more insidious than other social behaviors; it is a type of communication that perpetuates negative perceptions among women as well as the attitude that women should be dissatisfied with their bodies. Future research suggestions included examining the impact of downward social comparisons (in which the individual assumes they fare better than peers on the variables of comparison, such as weight), and examining all three phenomena of self-discrepancy, social comparison, and objectification together to determine their cumulative impact on self-disparaging talk.

Negative body talk or fat talk is related to perceptions about the self and to appearance-management behaviors in presenting the self to others. In a sample of 203 young adult women, negative body talk was related to body dissatisfaction and poor self-esteem, and was associated with stronger investment in appearance, distorted thoughts about the body, disordered eating behavior, and depression (Rudiger & Winstead 2013 ). Positive body talk was related to fewer cognitive distortions of the body, high body satisfaction, high self-esteem, and friendship quality. Another form of body talk, co-rumination or the mutual sharing between friends of negative thoughts and feelings, is thought to intensify the impact of body talk. In this same study, co-rumination was related to frequent cognitive distortions of the body as well as disordered eating behaviors, but to high perceived friendship quality. Thus, negative body talk achieved no positive outcomes, yet co-rumination achieved negative outcomes for the self, but positive outcomes for quality of friendship. Thus, future research could tease apart the specific components of the social phenomenon of co-rumination in relation to self-perceptions and appearance management behaviors.

Dress and self as distinct from others

Shifting attention from relationships between the body and self, we move to a discussion of relationships between dress and that aspect of the self that is concerned with answering questions about who we are as distinct and unique individuals (e.g., what type of person am I?). Earlier we shared research about how wearing certain article of dress might impact one’s own physical behaviors. We shift now to sharing research addressing the role dress might play in thinking about oneself as a unique and distinct individual (i.e., self-perceptions). Researchers addressing this topic have utilized Bem’s ( 1972 ) self-perception theory. Bem proposed that similar to the processes we use in forming inferences about others, we can form inferences about ourselves. Bem argues that people’s understanding of their own traits was, in some circumstances, an assessment of their own behaviors. This process was proposed to be particularly relevant to individuals who were responsive to self-produced cues (i.e., cues that arise from an individual’s own behavior or characteristics).

In the 1980s, Kellerman and Laird ( 1982 ) utilized self-perception theory to see whether wearing a specific item of dress (e.g., eye glasses) would influence peoples’ ratings of their own skills and abilities. They conducted an experiment with undergraduate students having them rate themselves on an array of traits when wearing and when not wearing glasses and to complete a hidden figures test. Although there were no significant differences in their performance on the test, the participants’ ratings of their competence and intelligence was higher when wearing glasses than when not. In related research, Solomon and Schopler ( 1982 ) found that both men and women indicated that the appropriateness of their clothing affected their mood.

Studying dress specifically within a workplace context, in the 1990s Kwon ( 1994 ) did not have her participants actually wear different clothing styles but asked them to project how they might think about themselves if they were to wear appropriate versus inappropriate clothing to work. Participants indicated they would feel more competent and responsible if they wore appropriate rather than inappropriate clothing. Similarly, Rafaeli et al. ( 1997 ) a found that employees indicated a link between self-perception and clothing associating psychological discomfort with wearing inappropriate dress for work and increased social self-confidence with appropriate attire. Nearly ten years later, Adomaitis and Johnson ( 2005 ) in a study of flight attendants found that the attendants linked wearing casual uniforms for work (e.g., t-shirt, shorts) with negative self-perceptions (e.g., nonauthoritative, embarrassment, unconfident, unprofessional). Likewise, Peluchette and Karl ( 2007 ) investigating the impact of formal versus casual attire in the workplace found that their participants viewed themselves as most authoritative, trustworthy, productive and competent when wearing formal business attire but as friendliest when wearing casual or business casual attire. Continuing this line of research with individuals employed in the public sector, Karl et al. ( 2013 ) reported participants indicated they felt more competent and authoritative when in formal business or business casual attire and least creative and friendly when wearing casual dress.

As workplace dress has become casual, it would be useful for researchers to uncover any distinctions in casualness that make individuals feel more or less competent, respected, or authoritative. Another aspect of clothing that could be investigated is fit as it might impact self-perceptions or use of makeup.

Guy and Banim ( 2000 ) were interested in how clothing was used as means of self-presentation in everyday life. They implemented three strategies to meet their research objective of investigating women’s relationships to their clothing: a personal account, a clothing diary, and a wardrobe interview. The personal account was a written or tape recorded response to the question “what clothing means to me.” The clothing diary was a daily log kept for two weeks. The wardrobe interview was centered on participants’ current collection of clothing. Participants were undergraduates and professional women representing several age cohorts. The researchers identified three distinct perspectives of self relative to the women’s clothing. The first was labeled “the woman I want to be”. This category of responses revealed that the women used clothing to formulate positive self-projections. Favorite items of clothing in particular were identified as useful in bridging the gap between “self as you would like it to be” and the image actually achieved with the clothing. The second category of responses was labeled “the woman I fear I could be”. This category of responses reflected experiences where clothing had failed to achieve a desired look or resulted in a negative self-presentation. Concern here was choosing to wear clothing with unintentional effects such as highlighting parts of the body that were unflattering or concern about losing the ability to know how to dress to convey a positive image. The last category, “the woman I am most of the time” contained comments indicating the women had a “relationship with clothes was ongoing and dynamic and that a major source of enjoyment for them was to use clothes to realize different aspects of themselves” (p. 321).

Interested in how the self shaped clothing consumption and use, Ogle et al. ( 2013 ) utilized Guy and Banim’s ( 2000 ) views of self to explore how consumption of maternity dress might shape the self during a liminal life stage (i.e., pregnancy). Interviews with women expecting their first child revealed concerns that available maternity dress limited their ability to express their true selves. Some expressed concern that the maternity clothing that was available to them in the marketplace symbolized someone that they did not want to associate with (i.e., the woman I fear I could be). Several women noted they borrowed or purchased used clothing from a variety of sources for this time in their life. This decision resulted in dissatisfaction because the items were not reflective of their selves and if worn resulted in their projecting a self that they also did not want to be. In addition, the women shared that they used dress to confirm their selves as pregnant and as NOT overweight. While some of the participants did experience a disrupted sense of self during pregnancy, others shared that they were able to locate items of dress that symbolized a self-consistent with “the woman I am most of the time”.

Continuing in this line of research, researchers may want to explore these three aspects of self with others who struggle with self-presentation via dress as a result of a lack of fashionable and trendy clothing in the marketplace. Plus-sized women frequently report that they are ignored by the fashion industry and existing offerings fail to meet their need to be fashionable. A recent article in the Huffington Post (“Plus-sized clothing”, 2013 ) noted that retailers do not typically carry plus sizes perhaps due to the misconception that plus-sized women are not trendy shoppers or the idea that these sizes will not sell well. Thus, it may well be that the relationship between dress and self for plus-sized women is frustrating as they are prevented from being able to make clothing choices indicative of their selves “as they would like them to be”.

Priming and self-perception

While several researchers have confirmed that clothing worn impacts thoughts about the self, Hannover and Kühnen ( 2002 ) were interested in uncovering processes that would explain why clothing could have this effect. They began with examining what role priming might have in explaining how clothing impacts self-perceptions. Using findings from social cognition, they argued that clothing styles might prime specific mental categories about one’s self such that those categories that are most easily accessed in a given situation would be more likely to be applied to oneself than categories of information that are difficult to access. Thus, if clothing can be used to prime specific self-knowledge it should impact self-descriptions such that, a person wearing “casual” clothing (e.g., jeans, sweatshirt) should be more apt to describe him or herself using casual terms (e.g., laid-back, uses slang). The researchers had each participant stand in front of a mirror and indicate whether or not specific traits were descriptive of him or herself when wearing either casual or formal clothing (e.g., business attire). The researchers found that when a participant wore casual clothing he or she rated the casual traits as more valid self-descriptions than the formal traits. The reverse was also true. They concluded that the clothing worn primed specific categories of self-knowledge. However, the researchers did not ask participants to what extent they intentionally considered their own clothing when determining whether or not a trait should be applied to them. Yet, as previously noted, Adam and Galinsky ( 2012 ) demonstrated that clothing impacted a specific behavior (attention) only in circumstances where the clothing was worn and the clothing’s meaning was clear. Thus, researchers could test if clothing serves as an unrecognized priming source and if its impact on impression formation is less intentional than typically assumed.

Dress and self in interaction with others

Another area of research within dress and the self involves experience with others and the establishment of meaning. Questions that these researchers are interested in answering include what is the meaning of an item of dress or a way of appearing? Early researchers working in this area have utilized symbolic interactionism as a framework for their research (Blumer 1969 ; Mead 1934 ; Stone 1962 ). The foundational question of symbolic interaction is: “What common set of symbols and understandings has emerged to give meaning to people’s interactions?” (Patton 2002 , p. 112).

There are three basic premises central to symbolic interactionism (Blumer 1969 ). The first premise is that our behavior toward things (e.g., physical objects, other people) is shaped by the meaning that those things have for us. Applied to dress and appearance, this premise means that our behavior relative to another person is influenced by that person’s dress (Kaiser 1997 ) and the meaning that we assign to that dress. The second premise of symbolic interaction is that the meaning of things is derived from social interaction with others (Blumer). This premise indicates that meanings are not inherent in objects, must be shared between individuals, and that meanings are learned. The third premise is that meanings are modified by a continuous interpretative process in which the actor interacts with himself (Blumer). As applied to clothing, this premise suggests that the wearer of an outfit or item of clothing is active in determining the meaning of an item along with the viewer of that item.

Symbolic interactionism posits that the self is a social construction established, maintained, and altered through interpersonal communication with others. While initial work focused on investigating verbal communication as key to the construction of the self, Stone extended communication to include appearance and maintained that “appearance is at least as important in establishment and maintenance of the self” as verbal communication (1962, p. 87).

Stone ( 1962 ) discussed a process of establishing the self in interaction with others. This process included selecting items of dress to communicate a desired aspect of self (i.e., identity) as well as to convey that desired aspect to others. One stage in this process is an individual’s review of his/her own appearance. This evaluation and response to one’s own appearance is called program. One might experience a program by looking in the mirror to assess whether the intended identity expressed through dress is the one that is actually achieved. After this evaluation of one’s appearance, the next stage involves others reacting to an individual’s appearance. This is called a review. Stone contends that when “programs and reviews coincide, the self of the one who appears is validated or established” (p. 92). However, when programs and reviews do not coincide, the announced identity is challenged and “conduct may be expected to move in the direction of some redefinition of the challenged self” (p. 92).

Researchers using this approach in their investigations of dress have used Stone’s ( 1962 ) ideas and applied the concept of review to the experiences of sorority women. Hunt and Miller ( 1997 ) interviewed sorority members about their experiences with using dress to communicate their membership and how members, via their reviews, shaped their sorority appearances. Members reported using several techniques in the review of the appearance of other members as well as in response to their own appearance (i.e., programs). Thus, the researcher’s results supported Stone’s ideas concerning establishment of an identity (as an aspect of self) as a process of program and review.

In an investigation of the meaning of dress, in this instance the meaning of a specific body modification—a tattoo, Mun et al. ( 2012 ) interviewed women of various ages who had tattoos to assess meanings, changes in self-perceptions as a result of the tattoo, and any changes in the women’s behavior as an outcome of being tattooed. To guide their inquiry, the researchers used Goffman’s ( 1959 ) discussion of the concept of self-presentation from his seminal work The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life . According to Goffman, on a regular basis people make inferences about the motivations that underlie other people’s behaviors. To make these inferences they use everyday details. Because most people make these inferences, Goffman believed that individuals could purposely control the content of those inferences by controlling their behavior. Included in this behavior was an individual’s dress. These researchers found support for Goffman’s reasoning. Participants shared that their tattoo(s) had meaning and were expressive of their selves, their personal values and interests, important life events (e.g., marriage), and religious/sacred beliefs. The meaning of a tattoo was also dynamic for several participants rather than static. Participants’ self-perceptions were impacted as a result of being tattooed with several participants sharing increases to their confidence and to their perceived empowerment. Individuals who shared a change in behavior primarily noted that they controlled the visibility of their tattoos to others as a method to control how others might respond to them having a tattoo especially within the workplace.

Since an array of body modifications (e.g., piercings, gauging, scarification) are being adopted cross-culturally, investigations of people’s experiences with any of these modifications is fertile area for future researchers interested in the meaning(s) of dress and how dress impacts the self through interaction with others. Researchers may want to investigate men’s experiences with piercing/gauging as well as women’s experiences with body building and other developing forms of body modification. Extreme forms of body piercings (e.g., piercings that simulate corset lacings) and underlying motivations for these body modifications would add to our understanding of relationships between dress and self. The meanings of facial hair to men or body hair removal (partial, total) for both men and women are additional aspects of dress that could be investigated.

Dress and self as influence on consumption

In the aforementioned research by Ogle et al. ( 2013 ), the researchers found that a primary reason their participants were disappointed by the maternity clothing offered through the marketplace was due to a lack of fit between their selves and the clothing styles made available. Thus, it is clear that ideas about the self impact clothing selection and purchase. Sirgy ( 1982 ) proposed self-image product-image congruity theory to describe the process of how people applied ideas concerning the self to their purchasing. The basic assumption of the theory is that through marketing and branding, products gain associated images. The premise of the theory is that products people are motivated to purchase are products with images that are congruent with or symbolic of how they see themselves (i.e., actual self-image) or with how they would like to be (i.e., ideal self-image). They also will avoid those products that symbolize images that are inconsistent with either of these self-images.

Rhee and Johnson ( 2012 ) found support for the self-image product-image congruity relationship with male and female adolescents. These researchers investigated the adolescents’ purchase and use of clothing brands. Participants indicated their favorite apparel brand was most similar to their actual self (i.e., this brand reflects who I am), followed by their social self (i.e., this brand reflects who I want others to think I am), and their desired self (i.e., this brand reflects who I want to be).

Earlier, Banister and Hogg ( 2004 ) conducted research investigating the idea that consumers will actively reject or avoid products with negative symbolic meanings. The researchers conducted group interviews with adult consumers. Their participants acknowledged that clothing items could symbolize more than one meaning depending on who was interpreting the meaning. They also acknowledged that the consumers they interviewed appeared to be more concerned with avoiding consumption of products with negative symbolic images than with consuming products with the goal of achieving a positive image. One participant noted that while attempts to achieve a positive image via clothing consumption may be sub-conscious, the desire to avoid a negative image when shopping was conscious.

Closing remarks

It is clear from our review that interest in the topic of the social psychology of dress is on-going and provides a fruitful area of research that addresses both basic and applied research questions. Although we provided an overview of several key research areas within the topic of the social psychology of dress we were unable to include all of the interesting topics being investigated. There are other important areas of research including relationships between dress and specific social and cultural identities, answering questions about how dress functions within social groups, how we learn to attach meanings to dress, and changing attitudes concerning dress among others. Regardless, we hope that this review inspires both colleagues and students to continue to investigate and document the important influence dress exerts in everyday life.

a These researchers used role theory to frame their investigation.

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Johnson, K., Lennon, S.J. & Rudd, N. Dress, body and self: research in the social psychology of dress. Fashion and Textiles 1 , 20 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40691-014-0020-7

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Guest Essay

The Happiness Gap Between Left and Right Isn’t Closing

By Thomas B. Edsall

Mr. Edsall contributes a weekly column from Washington, D.C., on politics, demographics and inequality.

Why is it that a substantial body of social science research finds that conservatives are happier than liberals?

A partial answer: Those on the right are less likely to be angered or upset by social and economic inequities, believing that the system rewards those who work hard, that hierarchies are part of the natural order of things and that market outcomes are fundamentally fair.

Those on the left stand in opposition to each of these assessments of the social order, prompting frustration and discontent with the world around them.

The happiness gap has been with us for at least 50 years, and most research seeking to explain it has focused on conservatives. More recently, however, psychologists and other social scientists have begun to dig deeper into the underpinnings of liberal discontent — not only unhappiness but also depression and other measures of dissatisfaction.

One of the findings emerging from this research is that the decline in happiness and in a sense of agency is concentrated among those on the left who stress matters of identity, social justice and the oppression of marginalized groups.

There is, in addition, a parallel phenomenon taking place on the right as Donald Trump and his MAGA loyalists angrily complain of oppression by liberals who engage in a relentless vendetta to keep Trump out of the White House.

There is a difference in the way the left and right react to frustration and grievance. Instead of despair, the contemporary right has responded with mounting anger, rejecting democratic institutions and norms.

In a 2021 Vox article, “ Trump and the Republican Revolt Against Democracy ,” Zack Beauchamp described in detail the emergence of destructive and aggressive discontent among conservatives.

Citing a wide range of polling data and academic studies, Beauchamp found:

More than twice as many Republicans (39 percent) as Democrats (17 percent) believed that “if elected leaders won’t protect America, the people must act — even if that means violence.”

Fifty-seven percent of Republicans considered Democrats to be “enemies,” compared with 41 percent of Democrats who viewed Republicans as “enemies.”

Among Republicans, support for “the use of force to defend our way of life,” as well as for the belief that “strong leaders bend rules” and that “sometimes you have to take the law in your own hands,” grows stronger in direct correlation with racial and ethnic hostility.

Trump has repeatedly warned of the potential for political violence. In January he predicted bedlam if the criminal charges filed in federal and state courts against him damaged his presidential campaign:

I think they feel this is the way they’re going to try and win, and that’s not the way it goes. It’ll be bedlam in the country. It’s a very bad thing. It’s a very bad precedent. As we said, it’s the opening of a Pandora’s box.

Before he was indicted in New York, Trump claimed there would be “potential death and destruction” if he was charged.

At an Ohio campaign rally in March, Trump declared, “If I don’t get elected, it’s going to be a blood bath for the whole country.”

In other words, Trump and his allies respond to adversity and what they see as attacks from the left with threats and anger, while a segment of the left often but not always responds to adversity and social inequity with dejection and sorrow.

There are significant consequences for this internalization.

Jamin Halberstadt , a professor of psychology at the University of Otago in New Zealand and a co-author of “ Outgroup Threat and the Emergence of Cohesive Groups : A Cross-Cultural Examination,” argued in his emailed reply to my inquiry that because “a focus on injustice and victimhood is, by definition, disempowering (isn’t that why we talk of ‘survivors’ rather than ‘victims’?), loss of control is not good for self-esteem or happiness.”

But, he pointed out:

this focus, while no doubt a part of the most visible and influential side of progressive ideology, is still just a part. Liberalism is a big construct, and I’m reluctant to reduce it to a focus on social justice issues. Some liberals have this view, but I suspect their influence is outsized because (a) they have the social media megaphone and (b) we are in a climate in which freedom of expression and, in particular, challenges to the worldview you characterize have been curtailed.

Expanding on this line of argument, Halberstadt wrote:

I’m sure some self-described liberals have views that are counterproductive to their own happiness. One sub-ideology associated with liberalism is, as you describe, a sense of victimhood and grievance. But there is more than one way to respond to structural barriers. Within that group of the aggrieved, some probably see systemic problems that cannot be overcome, and that’s naturally demoralizing and depressing. But others see systemic problems as a challenge to overcome.

Taking Halberstadt’s assessment of the effects of grievance and victimhood a step farther, Timothy A. Judge , the chairman of the department of management and human resources at Notre Dame, wrote in a 2009 paper, “ Core Self-Evaluations and Work Success ”:

Core self-evaluations (C.S.E.) is a broad, integrative trait indicated by self-esteem, locus of control, generalized self-efficacy and (low) neuroticism (high emotional stability). Individuals with high levels of C.S.E. perform better on their jobs, are more successful in their careers, are more satisfied with their jobs and lives, report lower levels of stress and conflict, cope more effectively with setbacks and better capitalize on advantages and opportunities.

I asked Judge and other scholars a question: Have liberal pessimists fostered an outlook that spawns unhappiness as its adherents believe they face seemingly insurmountable structural barriers?

Judge replied by email:

I do share the perspective that a focus on status, hierarchies and institutions that reinforce privilege contributes to an external locus of control. And the reason is fairly straightforward. We can only change these things through collective and, often, policy initiatives — which tend to be complex, slow, often conflictual and outside our individual control. On the other hand, if I view “life’s chances” (Virginia Woolf’s term) to be mostly dependent on my own agency, this reflects an internal focus, which will often depend on enacting initiatives largely within my control.

Judge elaborated on his argument:

If our predominant focus in how we view the world is social inequities, status hierarchies, societal unfairness conferred by privilege, then everyone would agree that these things are not easy to fix, which means, in a sense, we must accept some unhappy premises: Life isn’t fair; outcomes are outside my control, often at the hands of bad, powerful actors; social change depends on collective action that may be conflictual; an individual may have limited power to control their own destiny, etc. These are not happy thoughts because they cause me to view the world as inherently unfair, oppressive, conflictual, etc. It may or may not be right, but I would argue that these are in fact viewpoints of how we view the world, and our place in it, that would undermine our happiness.

Last year, George Yancey , a professor of sociology at Baylor University, published “ Identity Politics, Political Ideology, and Well-Being : Is Identity Politics Good for Our Well-Being?”

Yancey argued that recent events “suggest that identity politics may correlate to a decrease in well-being, particularly among young progressives, and offer an explanation tied to internal elements within political progressiveness.”

By focusing on “political progressives, rather than political conservatives,” Yancey wrote, “a nuanced approach to understanding the relationship between political ideology and well-being begins to emerge.”

Identity politics, he continued, focuses “on external institutional forces that one cannot immediately alleviate.” It results in what scholars call the externalization of one’s locus of control, or viewing the inequities of society as a result of powerful if not insurmountable outside forces, including structural racism, patriarchy and capitalism, as opposed to believing that individuals can overcome such obstacles through hard work and collective effort.

As a result, Yancey wrote, “identity politics may be an important mechanism by which progressive political ideology can lead to lower levels of well-being.”

Conversely, Yancey pointed out, “a class-based progressive cognitive emphasis may focus less on the group identity, generating less of a need to rely on emotional narratives and dichotomous thinking and may be less likely to be detrimental to the well-being of a political progressive.”

Yancey tested this theory using data collected in the 2021 Baylor Religion Survey of 1,232 respondents.

“Certain types of political progressive ideology can have contrasting effects on well-being,” Yancey wrote. “It is plausible that identity politics may explain the recent increase well-being gap between conservatives and progressives.”

Oskari Lahtinen , a senior researcher in psychology at the University of Turku in Finland, published a study in March, “ Construction and Validation of a Scale for Assessing Critical Social Justice Attitudes ,” that reinforces Yancey’s argument.

Lahtinen conducted two surveys of a total of 5,878 men and women to determine the share of Finnish citizens who held “critical social justice attitudes” and how those who held such views differed from those who did not.

Critical social justice proponents, on Lahtinen’s scale,

point out varieties of oppression that cause privileged people (e.g., male, white, heterosexual, cisgender) to benefit over marginalized people (e.g., woman, Black, gay, transgender). In critical race theory, some of the core tenets include that (1) white supremacy and racism are omnipresent and colorblind policies are not enough to tackle them, (2) people of color have their own unique standpoint and (3) races are social constructs.

What did Lahtinen find?

The critical social justice propositions encountered

strong rejection from men. Women expressed more than twice as much support for the propositions. In both studies, critical social justice was correlated modestly with depression, anxiety, and (lack of) happiness, but not more so than being on the political left was.

In an email responding to my inquiries about his paper, Lahtinen wrote that one of the key findings in his research was that “there were large differences between genders in critical social justice advocacy: Three out of five women but only one out of seven men expressed support for the critical social justice claims.”

In addition, he pointed out, “there was one variable in the study that closely corresponded to external locus of control: ‘Other people or structures are more responsible for my well-being than I myself am.’”

The correlation between agreement with this statement and unhappiness was among the strongest in the survey:

People on the left endorsed this item (around 2 on a scale of 0 to 4) far more than people on the right (around 0.5). Endorsing the belief was determined by political party preference much more than by gender, for instance.

Such measures as locus of control, self-esteem, a belief in personal agency and optimism all play major roles in daily life.

In a December 2022 paper, “ The Politics of Depression : Diverging Trends in Internalizing Symptoms Among U.S. Adolescents by Political Beliefs,” Catherine Gimbrone , Lisa M. Bates , Seth Prins and Katherine M. Keyes , all at Columbia’s Mailman School of Public Health, noted that “trends in adolescent internalizing symptoms diverged by political beliefs, sex and parental education over time, with female liberal adolescents experiencing the largest increases in depressive symptoms, especially in the context of demographic risk factors, including parental education.”

“These findings,” they added, “indicate a growing mental health disparity between adolescents who identify with certain political beliefs. It is therefore possible that the ideological lenses through which adolescents view the political climate differentially affect their mental well-being.”

Gimbrone and her co-authors based their work on studies of 85,000 teenagers from 2005 to 2018. They found that

while internalizing symptom scores worsened over time for all adolescents, they deteriorated most quickly for female liberal adolescents. Beginning in approximately 2010 and continuing through 2018, female liberal adolescents reported the largest changes in depressive affect, self-esteem, self-derogation and loneliness.

In conclusion, the authors wrote, “socially underprivileged liberals reported the worst internalizing symptom scores over time, likely indicating that the experiences and beliefs that inform a liberal political identity are ultimately less protective against poor mental health than those that inform a conservative political identity.”

From another vantage point, Nick Haslam , a professor of psychology at the University of Melbourne, argued in his 2020 paper “ Harm Inflation: Making Sense of Concept Creep ” that recent years have seen “a rising sensitivity to harm within at least some Western cultures, such that previously innocuous or unremarked phenomena were increasingly identified as harmful and that this rising sensitivity reflected a politically liberal moral agenda.”

As examples, Haslam wrote that the definition of “trauma” has been

progressively broadened to include adverse life events of decreasing severity and those experienced vicariously rather than directly. “Mental disorder” came to include a wider range of conditions, so that new forms of psychopathology were added in each revision of diagnostic manuals and the threshold for diagnosing some existing forms was lowered. “Abuse” extended from physical acts to verbal and emotional slights and incorporated forms of passive neglect in addition to active aggression.

Haslam described this process as concept creep and argued that “some examples of concept creep are surely the work of deliberate actors who might be called expansion entrepreneurs.”

Concept expansion, Haslam wrote, “can be used as a tactic to amplify the perceived seriousness of a movement’s chosen social problem.” In addition, “such expansion can be effective means of enhancing the perceived seriousness of a social problem or threat by increasing the perceived prevalence of both ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators.’”

Haslam cited studies showing that strong “correlates of holding expansive concepts of harm were compassion-related trait values, left-liberal political attitudes and forms of morality associated with both.” Holding expansive concepts of harm was also “associated with affective and cognitive empathy orientation and most strongly of all with endorsement of harm- and fairness-based morality.” Many of these characteristics are associated with the political left.

“The expansion of harm-related concepts has implications for acceptable self-expression and free speech,” Haslam wrote. “Creeping concepts enlarge the range of expressions judged to be unacceptably harmful, thereby increasing calls for speech restrictions. Expansion of the harm-related concepts of hate and hate speech exemplifies this possibility.”

While much of the commentary on the progressive left has been critical, Haslam takes a more ambivalent position: “Sometimes concept creep is presented in an exclusively negative frame,” he wrote, but that fails to address the “positive implications. To that end, we offer three positive consequences of the phenomenon.”

The first is that expansionary definitions of harm “can be useful in drawing attention to harms previously overlooked. Consider the vertical expansion of abuse to include emotional abuse.”

Second, “concept creep can prevent harmful practices by modifying social norms.” For example, “changing definitions of bullying that include social exclusion and antagonistic acts expressed horizontally rather than only downward in organizational hierarchies may also entrench norms against the commission of destructive behavior.”

And finally:

The expansion of psychology’s negative concepts can motivate interventions aimed at preventing or reducing the harms associated with the newly categorized behaviors. For instance, the conceptual expansion of addiction to include behavioral addictions (e.g., gambling and internet addictions) has prompted a flurry of research into treatment options, which has found that a range of psychosocial treatments can be successfully used to treat gambling, internet and sexual addictions.

Judge suggested an approach to this line of inquiry that he believed might offer a way for liberalism to regain its footing:

I would like to think that there is a version of modern progressivism that accepts many of the premises of the problem and causes of inequality but does so in a way that also celebrates the power of individualism, of consensus and of common cause. I know this is perhaps naïve. But if we give in to cynicism (that consensus can’t be found), that’s self-reinforcing, isn’t it? I think about the progress on how society now views sexual orientation and the success stories. The change was too slow, painful for many, but was there any other way?

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Thomas B. Edsall has been a contributor to the Times Opinion section since 2011. His column on strategic and demographic trends in American politics appears every Wednesday. He previously covered politics for The Washington Post. @ edsall