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Ferdinand Marcos as a Leader: Impact of Martial Law on Philippines

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Published: Aug 31, 2023

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Introduction, ferdinand marcos: golden era illusion, dark legacy of ferdinand marcos as a leader.

Amnesty International. (1982). 'The Philippines: Torture in the Marcos Era.' Retrieved from https://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ASA35/001/1982/en.
World Bank Data. (1980s). Retrieved from World Bank database.
National Historical Commission of the Philippines. (n.d.). 'The Martial Law Years.' Retrieved from https://www.nhcp.gov.ph/resources/online-resources/martial-law-years/.

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Martial law

The downfall of marcos and return of democratic government.

The Philippines since c. 1990

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Table Of Contents

In September 1972 Marcos declared martial law , claiming that it was the last defense against the rising disorder caused by increasingly violent student demonstrations, the alleged threats of communist insurgency by the new Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the Muslim separatist movement of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). One of his first actions was to arrest opposition politicians in Congress and the Constitutional Convention . Initial public reaction to martial law was mostly favourable except in Muslim areas of the south, where a separatist rebellion, led by the MNLF, broke out in 1973. Despite halfhearted attempts to negotiate a cease-fire, the rebellion continued to claim thousands of military and civilian casualties. Communist insurgency expanded with the creation of the National Democratic Front (NDF), an organization embracing the CPP and other communist groups.

Under martial law the regime was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect unregistered firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas. At the same time, a series of important new concessions were given to foreign investors, including a prohibition on strikes by organized labour , and a land-reform program was launched. In January 1973 Marcos proclaimed the ratification of a new constitution based on the parliamentary system , with himself as both president and prime minister . He did not, however, convene the interim legislature that was called for in that document.

Recent News

General disillusionment with martial law and with the consolidation of political and economic control by Marcos, his family, and close associates grew during the 1970s. Despite growth in the country’s gross national product , workers’ real income dropped, few farmers benefited from land reform , and the sugar industry was in confusion. The precipitous drop in sugar prices in the early 1980s coupled with lower prices and less demand for coconuts and coconut products—traditionally the most important export commodity—added to the country’s economic woes; the government was forced to borrow large sums from the international banking community . Also troubling to the regime, reports of widespread corruption began to surface with increasing frequency.

Elections for an interim National Assembly were finally held in 1978. The opposition—of which the primary group was led by the jailed former senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. —produced such a bold and popular campaign that the official results, which gave Marcos’s opposition virtually no seats, were widely believed to have been illegally altered. In 1980 Aquino was allowed to go into exile in the United States , and the following year, after announcing the suspension of martial law, Marcos won a virtually uncontested election for a new six-year term.

The assassination of Benigno Aquino as he returned to Manila in August 1983 was generally thought to have been the work of the military; it became the focal point of a renewed and more heavily supported opposition to Marcos’s rule. By late 1985 Marcos, under mounting pressure both inside and outside the Philippines, called a snap presidential election for February 1986. Corazon C. Aquino , Benigno’s widow, became the candidate of a coalition of opposition parties. Marcos was declared the official winner, but strong public outcry over the election results precipitated a revolt that by the end of the month had driven Marcos from power. Aquino then assumed the presidency.

Aquino’s great personal popularity and widespread international support were instrumental in establishing the new government. Shortly after taking office, she abolished the constitution of 1973 and began ruling by decree. A new constitution was drafted and was ratified in February 1987 in a general referendum; legislative elections in May 1987 and the convening of a new bicameral congress in July marked the return of the form of government that had been present before the imposition of martial law in 1972.

Euphoria over the ouster of Marcos proved to be short-lived, however. The new government had inherited an enormous external debt, a severely depleted economy, and a growing threat from Moro and communist insurgents. The Aquino administration also had to weather considerable internal dissension, repeated coup attempts, and such natural disasters as a major earthquake and the 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo . The resumption of active partisan politics, moreover, was the beginning of the end of the coalition that had brought Aquino to power. Pro-Aquino candidates had won a sweeping victory in the 1987 legislative elections, but there was less support for her among those elected to provincial and local offices in early 1988. By the early 1990s the criticisms against her administration—i.e., charges of weak leadership, corruption, and human rights abuses—had begun to stick.

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Marcos’ martial law: Golden age for corruption, abuses

MANILA, Philippines—Since 2015, there’s been an attempt to paint Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship as a golden age for the Philippines through tweaked facts and outright lies.

While thousands consider the Marcos years as the darkest time in Philippine history, his family and loyalists are using mainly social media as a platform to foist their version of history on the rest of the nation.

READ: Survivor can’t ‘comprehend’ experiencing martial law again

This day, Sept. 21, Filipinos mark the 49th year Marcos threw the nation into its darkest period through Proclamation No. 1081 declaring martial law.

Prof. Judy Taguiwalo, convener of the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses and Martial Law, said “our collective memory clearly remembers” what the more than 20-year dictatorship inflicted on the Philippines.

READ: Remembering Martial Law under the Marcos regime

Costs of dictatorship

Marcos was elected president in 1965. From 1965 to 1971, the year before martial law was declared, the economic growth of the Philippines, as reflected by its gross domestic product (GDP), ranged from 5.27 percent to 5.43 percent.

It was in 1973 and 1976 when GDP hit 8.92 percent and 8.81 percent, which Marcos’ son and namesake, Bongbong, claim as proof of his father’s achievements. But he obviously skipped the part that would show some of the Philippines’ worst recessions also took place under the dictator.

In 1984 and 1985, the first two years after the murder of senator Benigno Aquino Jr, Philippine GDP contracted to negative 7.32 percent and negative 7.04 percent.

Here’s the Philippines’ GDP from 1965 to 1986, based on data from the World Bank and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development:

Graphic by Ed Lustan

1965: 5.27 percent 1966: 4.43 percent 1967: 5.32 percent 1968: 4.95 percent 1969: 4.66 percent 1970: 3.77 percent 1971: 5.43 percent 1972: 5.45 percent 1973: 8.92 percent 1974: 3.56 percent 1975: 5.57 percent 1976: 8.81 percent 1977: 5.60 percent 1978: 5.17 percent 1979: 5.64 percent 1980: 5.15 percent 1981: 3.42 percent 1982: 3.62 percent 1983: 1.88 percent 1984: -7.32 percent 1985: -7.037 percent 1986: 3.417 percent

Professor Emmanuel de Dios, of the University of the Philippines’ School of Economics, said this was the reason the record of Marcos should not be viewed in morsels of good numbers.

READ: Marcos: Rise and fall of a dictator

“You have to take the entire period,” De Dios told ABS-CBN News in 2017. “You did experience high growth in the early years, but you also experienced the worst recession in latter years,” he said.

The Martial Law Museum likewise said that from $0.36 billion in 1961, the external debt of the Philippines “skyrocketed” to $28.26 billion in 1986.

It said the increase in “our debts explains the growth, especially in infrastructure, primarily touted by some to assess the economic gains of the Marcos regime.”

READ: ‘Nightmare’ of Marcos rule ‘still haunts us today’ – bishops

“A debt-driven growth is growth that sacrifices long-term benefits for short-term gratification, and ultimately leads to more burden than boon for the future generations that must pay these debts,” the Martial Law Museum said.

It likewise said that because “power was in the wrong hands,” the declaration of martial law and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus “opened the real possibility of the violation of civil rights.”

The writ, which in Latin refers to “having the body,” is a protection against illegal imprisonment.

The media, extremely essential for any democracy, were likewise silenced by the dictatorship.

“By shutting down competing voices and setting up a media outlet that was under his control, Marcos silenced public criticism and controlled the information that the people had access to,” the Martial Law Museum said.

“By doing so, Marcos had the final say in whatever passed for the truth,” it added.

Marcos lost no time enforcing the crackdown on media. On Sept. 18, 1972, he issued Letter of Instruction No. 1 allowing the military to take over media, mainly ABS-CBN and Channel 5.

Days after declaring martial law, state agents arrested and imprisoned Teodoro Locsin Sr. of the Philippines Free Press, Chino Roces of Manila Times and journalists Amando Doronila, Luis Beltran, Maximo Soliven, Juan Mercado and Luis Mauricio.

Some news outlets were allowed to operate, especially those that were owned by Marcos’ friends like Roberto Benedicto of the Kanlaon Broadcasting System and the Philippine Daily Express.

According to the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission (HRVVMC), 579 businesses were likewise “violently and illegally” taken over by the dictatorship.

Sunken in poverty

In 2015, when the dictatorship was raised as an issue in the coming 2016 elections, Bongbong said there was nothing to apologize for because his father was not a liability but an asset.

But the Martial Law Museum said “poverty worsened” over the course of the dictatorship, emphasizing that six out of 10 families were poor by the time the Marcos regime ended, an increase from the four out of 10 families before Marcos took office in 1965.

The daily income of agricultural workers declined by at least 30 percent—from P42 in 1962 to P30 in 1986. The wages of farmers even went as low as P23 in 1974, right after the declaration of martial law.

From P127 and P89 daily income for skilled workers and workers without school training in 1962, wages fell sharply to P35 and P23 in 1986.

These declines happened in the years when prices of goods were surging especially in the last 10 years of the dictatorship.

“We can see that prices of basic commodities tripled, such that what cost P100 in 1976 now cost more than P300 – even nearing P400 – in 1986,” said the Martial Law Museum.

Sent packing, fleeing

After the Edsa People Power, a revolt that ended the more than 20-year reign of the Marcoses, reports documenting the family’s flight and arrival to Hawaii said crates of belongings, worth billions of pesos, were transported, too.

The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, in the report “The End of an Era – Handholding Ferdinand Marcos in Exile,” said the United States Customs found 24 crates with gold bricks and diamond jewelry.

“Certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars were allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his cronies and business partners surreptitiously took with them when the US provided them safe passage to Hawaii,” the report said.

This narrative was strengthened when Marcos’ close confidante, the late industrialist Enrique Zobel, submitted a 14-page affidavit to the Senate blue ribbon committee.

A report by ABS-CBN News said the dictator left his family—widow Imelda and children Bongbong, Imee and Irene—with $35 billion worth of gold bars in 1989.

In reports by international newspapers The Guardian and Washington Post, it was said that the Marcoses carried with them essential belongings, including cash and gems (some of which were in diaper boxes), 70 pairs of jeweled cufflinks and enough clothes to fill 67 racks.

Billions stolen

The World Bank and UN Office on Drugs and Crimes said Marcos, having the longest reign as dictator, stole between $5 billion and $10 billion from the country’s coffers.

The corruption was so outrageous that it earned the distinction of being “The Greatest Robbery of A Government” from the Guinness World Records.

READ: Never forget the Conjugal Dictatorship

On Dec. 21, 1990, the Swiss Federal Supreme Court decided that the dictator and his family hid $356 million in Swiss banks. The Philippine Supreme Court, in 2003, allowed the forfeiture of the finances in favor of the government of the Philippines.

In 2018, the anti-graft court Sandiganbayan convicted the dictator’s widow of seven counts of graft related to private foundations established in Switzerland while she was a government official from 1978 to 1984.

She was sentenced to imprisonment of six years and one month to 11 years for each count, but she has served none after posting bail worth P300,000.

The Presidential Commission on Good Government, an office created by the late former President Corazon Aquino to go after the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses and their cronies, said in 2018 that P171 billion has already been recovered.

Deadly regime

The dictatorship was deadly, especially for those who stood against Marcos who were either killed or went missing.

According to HRVVMC, 11,103 individuals had fallen victims to rights violations by the dictatorship.

The count, however, covered only those with approved claims for compensation from the Human Rights Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013.

Amnesty International (AI) said there were 107,200 victims, mostly killed, tortured, and imprisoned by the Marcos regime.

READ: ‘Horrors’ of martial law remembered in rallies

HRVVMC data showed that 2,326 were either killed or disappeared, never to be found. AI said at least 3,200 innocent people were killed.

The Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance said that from 1971 to 1986, at least 878 people went missing and are now considered as desaparecidos, or the disappeared.

HRVVMC said there were 699 and 1,417 approved claims for those victims of illegal detention during the Marcos dictatorship.

But AI counted at least 70,000 people who were wrongly imprisoned by the Marcos regime.

Tortured for fighting tyranny

HRVVMC listed 2,104 approved claims for torture.

Rape and forcible abduction (238), mutilation, sexual abuse involving children and minors (217), psychological, mental, and emotional harm other than insanity, acts of lasciviousness (1,467), and cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment (182).

But AI, a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977, said there were 34,000 individuals tortured by the dictatorship.

In “TORTYUR: Human Rights Violations During The Marcos Regime,” historian Michael Charleston Chua listed the several kinds of torture experienced by victims of martial law:

• Electric Shock – Oftenly used, this involves electric wires attached to fingers and the genitalia of the victim. Sometimes, the wires were attached to the arms and the head.

• San Juanico Bridge – Between two beds, the victim lies and if his/her body “falls or sags,” the victim will be beaten.

• Truth Serum – Done at the V. Luna General Hospital, it prompts the victim to “talk drunkenly.”

• Russian Roulette – The victim is forced to aim a revolver with a bullet at his/her own head and then pull the trigger.

• Beating – A group of soldiers would beat with “fists, kicks and karate blows” manacled victims.

• Pistol-Whipping – A victim is beaten with rifle butts.

• Water Cure – Huge amounts of water would be forced through into the victim’s mouth, and by beating would be forced out.

• Strangulation – Constriction of the neck done by hand, electric wire and steel bar.

• Cigar and Flat Iron Burns – A victim is inflicted with heat.

• Pepper Torture – A “concentrated peppery substance” is placed on the lips and genitals.

• Animal Treatment – Victims are manacled and caged like beasts.

Present-day dictatorship

The Samahan ng Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (Selda) said 49 years since martial law was declared, “similar issues continue to plague the country” as President Rodrigo Duterte’s regime “zealously followed the path of Marcos’ rule.”

“The nation is again living in such dark times, even darker to what we endured under Marcos’ rule,” Selda said.

READ: In Duterte war on Reds, Marcos’ martial law survivors fall victims again

Xandra Bisenio, daughter of martial law victim Rey Casambre, said as violations that were the mark of the dictatorship continue to be committed, “it shows that the system has not, at the very least, changed.”

“It has gotten worse, considering that even without having to declare martial law today, the law has been weaponized to persecute activists,” she said.

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‘We Haven’t Learned Our Lesson’: Victims Recall Martial Law in the Philippines

Ferdinand E. Marcos placed the country under military rule 50 years ago this week. With his son now in power, those who lived through those dark days fear their stories will be lost.

Supported by

Photographs by Jes Aznar

Interviews by Jason Gutierrez

Sept. 21, 2022

They were community organizers and unionists. Teenagers and pro-democracy activists.

Those who were detained under the dictatorship of Ferdinand E. Marcos in the Philippines numbered in the tens of thousands. The dictator declared martial law in the country 50 years ago on Wednesday, a grisly period when the opposition was imprisoned, tortured and killed.

The regime was toppled by peaceful pro-democracy protests in 1986, forcing the Marcoses into exile. The victims who survived those years were shocked when Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the dictator’s son and namesake, was elected president in May.

Mr. Marcos won a landslide victory after spending years trying to rehabilitate his family’s name and by appealing to Rodrigo Duterte’s many supporters, even putting the former president’s daughter on the ticket.

Though Mr. Marcos has asked not to be judged by his father’s actions and insisted that his opponents have attacked his family unfairly, critics worry he will continue the culture of impunity that flourished under his father and Mr. Duterte. The Marcos family has never apologized, though some victims have received reparations from the government.

With the Marcoses back in the presidential palace, some survivors of martial law fear their stories will be lost. Here are nine of them.

“I will continue fighting for what is right, while I still have the strength.”

Cecilio Bejer, 71

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Wednesday, 26 June 2024

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#NeverAgain: A Recap and Analysis of Marcos’ Martial Law Declaration

48 years ago, the Philippines was placed under Martial Law. Here are the important facts and arguments essential to know in unveiling the Marcos regime’s dark legacy that still lurks upon the shadows, and burdens the Filipino people today.

Demise fell in the Philippines in 1972 when late dictator Ferdinand Marcos placed the country under Martial Law through signing Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, with its formal declaration on September 23 at exactly 7:15 pm, leading to one of the darkest chapters in Philippine history.

“Justification” to the call for democracy abolishment

The issued declaration, enforcing military authority and suspension of civil rights, are said to be grounded with purposes and reasons that drove the late President Marcos to enforce the law.

Marcos explained that the Martial Law was signed for the need of extra powers to get rid of the national chaos from rebellion and cases of violence allegedly caused by communists; to protect the Filipino’s welfare from the threats of peace and order of the country; and to enhance growth for national development.

However, what pushed for the sudden emergency rule and declaration is the alleged ambush of then former Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile that made the “martial law proclamation a necessity,” according to the diary entry of Marcos last September 22, 1972. Some reports, specifically the claim of Oscar Lopez and his family who lived near the incident area, stated that it was staged. Nonetheless, Enrile responded with confusing statements as he insisted the ambush’s validity in his memoir and documentary last 2014 howver, he disclosed in 1986 that it was staged to justify the declaration of the law.

Rundown of Events and Statistics

Martial Law lasted for almost a decade that suppressed any act of rebellion, enforced curfew hours, and oppressed personalities by the military and Philippine Constabulary. Here is a recap of the events from its context, origin, up to its end.

1969: Late President Marcos was re-elected despite electoral fraud allegations while guerilla wars, communist threats, and Muslim rebellions and separatists continue to arise.
September 21, 1972: Proclamation No. 1081 was signed by Marcos that extends his rule beyond the constitutional limit of two-term limit.
September 22, 1972: Ex-Senate President and former Defense Secretary Enrile was allegedly ambushed at night in his three-vehicle convoy at Wack-Wack subdivision. He was on his way home from briefing military officers for Martial Law implementation.
September 23, 1972: After hearing the incident, Marcos declared Martial Law formally via national television at 7:15 pm.
Successively, he issued these following General Orders and Letter of Instructions:
General Order No. 1, s. 1972, transferring all government powers to him;
Armed Forces of the Philippines were strengthened with an estimate of 60,000 personnel from the army, navy, air force, and constabulary.
General Order No. 2-A, authorizing the military to capture, arrest and detain approximately 8,000 personalities conspiracized as threats to his reign;
Arrested prominent ones include 1971 Constitutional Convention delegates Napoleon Rama , Enrique Voltaire Garcia , Jose Mari Velez, Journalists Max Soliven , Chino Roces , Teodoro Locsin Jr. , Hernando Abaya , Luis Mauricio , Luis Beltran , Amando Doronilla , Ernesto Granada, Senators Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr., Jose “Pepe” Diokno , Ramon Mitra Jr. , Francisco “Soc” Rodrigo, and Justice Vicente Rafael
Letter of Instruction No. 1, shutting down mass and private media nationwide;
These consist of 7 major English dailies, 1 English-Filipino daily, 3 Filipino dailies, 1 Spanish daily, 4 Chinese dailies, 66 community newspapers, 11 English weekly magazines, 7 television stations, and 292 radio stations.
Media outlets that were only exempted from the imposed censorship are: Daily Express (Newspaper), TV Channel 9 (TV Station), and Kanlaon Broadcasting System (Radio Station).
Letter of Instruction No. 2, permitting public utility takeover;
Public utilities that were shut down are Manila Electric Company (MERALCO; Electricity and Power), Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT; Telephone), National Waterworks and Sewerage Authority (NAWASA; Water), Philippine National Railways (PNR; Railway), Philippine Airlines, Air Manila, and Filipinas Orient Airways (Air transport services).
Letter of Instruction No. 3, mandating military to seize all Philippine-registered and privately-owned aircraft and watercraft; and
Letter of Instruction Nos. 4 and 5, commanding the Department of Foreign Affairs and Department of Justice to reject and not issue travel documents and immigration clearance to any citizen who requests to depart from the country.
1973 : Late President Marcos adopted the new 1973 Philippine Constitution that gave him absolute powers.
1977 : Opposition and critic Senator Aquino was sentenced to death but late President Marcos delayed his execution.
1980 : Senator Aquino was permitted to travel to the US for medical treatment.
January 17, 1981 : Martial Law has been lifted through the signing of Proclamation No. 2045 ahead of the first papal visit of Pope John Paul II in February. Late President Marcos has won the elections once again.
1983: Aquino returns to the Philippines but is shot dead at the Manila airport. However, no one was punished for ordering the assassination.
1985: Seeing that the country is in political and economic disaster, Marcos is under attacked by those in the media and the opposition. Resolution for his impeachment was signed by 56 assemblymen on the grounds of Marcos’ alleged rerouting of US aid for his personal use. A political movement starts to form for Aquino’s widow.
February 22, 1986: Millions of Filipinos united on EDSA for a mass protest to overthrow the rule of late President Marcos.
February 25, 1986: People Power led the military to abandon late President Marcos, who then fled to Pampanga with his family and other government officials before exile in Hawaii. According to the opposition, late President Marcos ransacked billions of dollars in his almost two decades of office.

Golden Age? Think again.

We have continuously heard various claims that Martial Law is the best period for the Philippines. However, its numbers, apart from the stories and its past, showcased otherwise. Filipinos served as commodities and victims of Marcos’ institutional and social deconstruction and impunity.

Let us debunk the myths and claims that were made with facts and numbers during the period to confirm the ‘glory’ that was wished to be illusioned.

Myth 1: Philippines has a booming infrastructure and a tiger and high economy.
Fact 1: Four out of ten families were poor before his rule while six out of ten Filipino families were poor by the end of his term
Poverty levels during and after his administration worsened with the high drop of wage and continuous increase of prices.
Fact 2: Farmers became poorer as daily wages of Filipino agricultural workers plunged by 30%.
In 1972, a farmer earned 42 pesos a day but it decreased up to 30 pesos as 1986 came. It even went as low as nearly half during 1974. The country’s coffers are also plundered that is estimately ranged from 5 billion to 10 billion dollars.
Fact 3: Skilled and unskilled workers wages also fell.
In urban areas, skilled and unskilled workers saw a decrease in their wages from 127 pesos to 35 pesos and 89 pesos to 23 pesos a day, respectively. Manufacturing was stagnated and work conditions also worsened, leading to underemployment from around 10% to 33%. This worsens the high poverty incidence of the country.
Fact 4: Prices of goods tripled sharply.
There has been a huge change in the Consumer Price Index of the country from food to non-food items. Basic commodities that were priced 100 pesos in 1976 cost more than 300-400 pesos in 1986.
Fact 5: Marcos’ policies reduced forest cover to almost a half, leading to massive deforestation.
Due to Marcos and his cronies’ pursuit for economic gains, unrestrained and massive exportation of timber caused a huge shave to the forest cover reduction. Martial Law took control of the country’s about 90% 18.7 million hectares of uplands and that includes the 11 million-hectare timberland.
Fact 6: Sick Man of Asia: Filipino’s Gross Domestic Product experienced the biggest decline in history from 1983-1985.
Income per person or the Philippine GDP per capita fell after 1982 which took 21 years later to recover from the lost development for decades.
Fact 7: International debt hit the roof during his period by 77 times in nominal terms and 24 times in real terms.
Outstanding external debt of 360 million dollars in 1961 rose steeply to whopping 28.26 billion dollars in 1986. They failed to meet their obligations to the point that it has become unsustainable exponentially. This debt-driven growth may temporarily explain the growth in infrastructure or some economic gains on the surface but that short-term gratification compromised its long-term effects gave more burden to the future generation as they pay back for the said debts.
Myth 2: Martial Law brought about peace and order.
Fact 1: This period showed an abundance of human rights violations and exploitation of those who were characterized in the act of subversion .
Fear has been the driver for Marcos’ rule and the bodies were its counts. According to American historian and educator Alfred McCoy article’s “Dark Legacy: Human Rights Under the Marcos Regime,” 3,275 extrajudicial killings were done during Marcos’ period which is higher than Chile’s Pinochet 2,115 casualties, 35,000 were tortured and 70,000 were jailed for any minor “infraction,” and 77% of the EJK victims (2,520 victims) were purposefully salvaged.
As human rights lawyer and son of the late senator Jose ‘Pepe’ Diokno who has been consistently against the Marcos dictatorship, Jose Manuel “Chel” Diokno has said at the International Forum on Lawfare at the De La Salle University-Manila (DLSU), the “real legacy of martial law” is law weaponization to silence and block political dissent. “[Marcos] was responsible for creating an oppressive climate of fear, obsequiousness and corruption that all but smothered the impartial administration of justice,” Diokno stated.
Fact 2: Thousands of Filipinos were exposed to various forms of torture.
According to the study of historian Michael Charleston Chua titled “TORTYUR: Human Rights Violations During The Marcos Regime,” physical torture involves electric shock, “San Juanico Bridge,” truth serum, Russian roulette, beating, pistol-whipping, water cure, strangulation, cigar and flat iron burns, pepper torture, being treated as an animal, and sexual abuse. He also added that elite torture units specialize in psychological and mental torture from humiliation, shaking principles, and threats of rape, harm, and death.
Fact 3: Freedom of information and speech is curtailed through media shutdown and abuse of youth leaders and journalists who have never seen the light of day .
Free press and mass media is the first casualty and target of Martial Law Declaration. Censorship is imposed, libels suits are filed on journalists, dissents were stamped out, and those who questioned the government will be punished, or worse, killed. Some of the stories from the thousands of tragic deaths were the following:
The first female and student activist who died in detention during the Martial Law rule is 23 year-old Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila communication arts student-journalist and youth leader Liliosa Hilao . Signs of torture, cigarette burns on her lips, injection marks on her arms, and lots of bruises were seen in her body when found in 1973. Her sister claimed that her removed internal organs was done to cover signs of torture and potential sexual abuse.
All because Imee Marcos was irked by the question on why the presidential daughter was Kabataang Barangay National Chairman in an open forum, Mapua Institute of Technology student Archimedes Trajano was forcibly taken from the venue, tortured for 12 to 36 hours and thrown out of a building’s second floor window. He was only 21 when his bloodied body was found in Manila on September 2, 1977.
23-year-old UP Journalism student Maria Elena Ang was arrested and beaten, electrocuted, water cured, and sexually violated when she was detained at Camp Crame.
Tondo community leader Trinidad Herrera was arrested in 1977. Her fingers, breasts, and vagina were electrocuted until her answers to the questions of the interrogators were passing enough to their standards.
In 1977, Boyet Mijares received a call that his disappeared father was still alive and he must see him. After a few days, the body—protruded eyeballs, punctured chest with multiple stab wounds, bashed head, and distorted hands, feet and genitals—of this 16-year old was found in Manila. His fault? Being the son of Primitivo Mijares , a whistleblower and writer in Marcos’ reign.

However, what made the Marcos memory tricky, with the arising positive and negative claims, is the different branches of experiences of different people that varied in their place of origin and social classes during the Martial Law period. Everything is in chaos and displaced, and not all have the same roots. Therefore, a need to process and to be rational in considering all factors is essential for those who have not suffered or remained unaware are also victims from filtered and shielded information during this period.

Scars that can’t be healed

Former President Marcos’ action to bring a “New Society” has truly taken a toll on the Filipinos. Memories remain haunted, the economy is in shambles, human rights are abused, political dissents are blocked, and what’s worse is that all it takes is the abuse of power of law from the government, or in particular, the highest in authority, who was supposed to protect its constituents rather than his self-interests.

“The lawyers who stood for us in the past realized one thing: that just as law can be used to oppress, the law can also be used to empower and the law can also be used to liberate,” Diokno added.

As founding dean of the DLSU College of Law and chairman of the Free Legal Assistance Group, Diokno mentioned that Marcos should be given credit—not only for the false and rose-colored glasses of information, but for “completely destroying judicial independence and for perverting [the] legal profession.”

Deep scars still prevail and wounds remain unhealed. Debts keep on skyrocketing are carried by every future generation but its fruits and worth has not proven its value. Government corruption and incompetence still exists, justice remains unserved, and the Marcoses did not even take responsibility for their action.

“ Hanggang ngayon wala pa kaming katarungan ,” Helena Jimenez said. Jimenez’s husband disappeared following his arrest last August 17, 1985.

Not a Political Issue

The stories aforementioned are just one of many injustices caused, that even financial compensation would not suffice. Nonetheless, the whole dilemma is not a political issue or story wherein Marcos is the villain and the Aquinos are the heroes, for both parties are at fault and have their own shortcomings. But rather, it is about the Filipinos and the country who shed blood, faced more than just death, experienced the pain, and became victims of the government's oppression as it took away the freedom, democracy, life, and future they fully deserve.

Given such, labeling former President Marcos and other tyrant leaders’ supporters and apologists, as well as the victims of Martial law, negatively is a sign of carelessness and insensitivity as it invalidates their actual memories, pain, and suffering and alienates the unity that the nation must envision. Respecting both sides and compassion is essential for there are different factors that concede to such thought.

However, selfishness, fear, self-preservation, apathy, and ignorance must be eradicated for that is what brought the country in the first place. Read books and cross-check facts for awareness. Stand up, be selfless, and protect everyone’s rights, especially the marginalized and oppressed, with louder calls and evidence as citizens caring for each other. Age and time of birth is not a standard for the validity of arguments and action, but rather on the facts and the truth that the past seizes to be seen.

Instead of worshipping politicians as gods, criticize and treat them with fairness, justice, and transparency—for that is what every Filipino deserves: a good government that is transparent, accountable, and liable for its actions in servant leadership to its constituents. Do not place the efforts of the people and victims in order for us to be liberated into waste.

As history starts to repeat itself once more, with the arising threats of the current administration, would we let ourselves be controlled, or let ourselves learn from the past, set out indifferences, and act not for our self-interests but for the country that deserves a better future? Once is enough— never again .

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Philippines Presidential Race: Marcos and the Specter of Martial Law

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With Bongbong entering the race, and the Dutertes floating around the edges, the Philippine presidential election is stirring up dark memories.

Philippines Presidential Race: Marcos and the Specter of Martial Law

Former senator Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. poses after filing his certificate of candidacy for next year’s presidential elections with the Commission on Elections at the Sofitel Harbor Garden Tent in Manila, Philippines Wednesday, October 6, 2021.

Most would agree that the martial law period in the Philippines from 1972 to 1986 was a dark time, marred by violence, the suspension of basic civil liberties, and unparalleled thievery by those in power. Former dictator Ferdinand Marcos is long gone now; after being deposed by a popular uprising in 1986 he died in exile in Honolulu in 1989. But his feats and his memory continue to polarize Philippine politics almost as much as when he was in power.

Marcos’ son, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., better known as “Bongbong,” officially announced his candidacy for the upcoming May 2022 presidential election October 5 with clear intentions to revitalize his father’s legacy. Almost half a century since military rule was declared, the Philippines may yet see its instigators rise to power once more. In his announcement, the dictator’s son spoke of bringing back “unifying leadership” to the country, perhaps alluding to his father’s rule, when all were united under the whim of one man.

While the sins of the father do not always mean the son is to blame, Bongbong has made it clear to the public many times that he sees the martial law period as a positive contribution to the trajectory of Philippine society. On a popular talk show last month, Marcos told the host that his father’s tenure carried the Philippines into “the modern world.” The TV appearance was one of many increasingly high-profile stunts designed to plant Bongbong in the public consciousness. Later in the month, he was nominated as the standard-bearer for the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (Movement for a New Society), a political party founded by his father.

Bongbong’s popularity has steadily grown alongside the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte. It helps that the latter mimics the authoritarianism of the former’s father and has amassed many comparisons with the dictator. Duterte and the Marcoses generally have strong political ties between them. The family has made favorable comments toward Duterte even during the early days of his bid for office. Duterte granted Ferdinand Marcos a hero’s burial in Manila in 2016, 27 years after his death and 23 years after his body was brought back to the Philippines. Marcos had been the only president denied such an honor.

Like Father, Like Son?

Bongbong Marcos idolizes his father. At the peak of the family’s far-reaching powers in the mid-1980s, Bongbong served as vice governor, and then governor of their home province, Ilocos Norte. He was also appointed board chairman of the Philippine Communications and Satellite Corporation. He was in his 20s at the time, and while there has never been any categorical or damning evidence as to his role in the regime’s corruption, as part of the family’s inner circle, it’s a safe assumption that he benefited. His mother, Imelda Marcos, was convicted of seven counts of graft in 2018.

The Marcoses accumulated around $658 million during their time in power, according to Supreme Court findings in 2003. There were over 3,200 casualties of the Marcos regime, while over 70,000 dissidents were thrown in jail during Marcos’ reign. The family continues to deny any wrongdoing. The Marcoses and their critics accuse each other of historical revisionism.

Bongbong’s bold claims about his father ushering in modernity is the kind of rhetoric that speaks to a specific set of voters. It sparks debate on whether or not the Philippines was actually economically well off during the Marcos period and, for those who look back with warm nostalgia, it persuades some to think that a degree of violation of human rights may be necessary to achieve progress. This is a narrative not unlike those peddled by many of Duterte’s supporters.

In truth, however, the Philippine GDP dropped dramatically in the last two years of Marcos’ term. Several pet infrastructure projects were abandoned, such as the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant. Moreover, the debt accumulated during the Marcos period, eventually totaling 470 billion Philippine pesos, four times larger than the entire national budget during the last year of his rule. The economy was driven to shambles and the plundering didn’t stop, only helped along with the collapse.

Bongbong has more than just defended his father’s legacy, but built his career on a desire to repeat it. Both father and son were congressmen, then senators, before running for the top post in the country. If Bongbong’s recent public appearances are to any indication, his current platform is one of returning the Philippines to an illusion of its former glories. In a sense, his electoral pitch is “Make the Philippines Great Again.”

Never Again

Opposition forces are wary of a Duterte-Marcos tandem for the upcoming election, whatever shape or form that may take: Bongbong with a Duterte as his running mate, or even the two camps mutually supporting each other’s efforts. At the moment, the landscape of presidential candidates is still unpredictable, with the president himself making surprise turns left and right. First, Duterte said he’d make a run for the vice presidential spot,which in the Philippines is elected separately from the president, retaining his presence in the executive suite like Marcos did. Next, he said he’s retiring from politics, and his ally and long-time aide, Christopher “Bong” Go, will take his place. In a statement, Go said “I intend to continue the great programs and genuine change that began with President Duterte.” Sara Duterte, the president’s daughter and current mayor of Davao City, could be Go’s running mate.

It’s all still up in the air.

Both Go and Sara share the same political drive of the elder Duterte to round up and eliminate all of their political rivals while beefing up the presence of the armed forces in the process.

Renato Reyes Jr., secretary general of the broad opposition umbrella group Bayan (People), said, “The Duterte-Marcos tandem is the gravest, most dangerous threat to the democratic aspirations of the Filipino people. It is intended to cover-up systemic plunder and legitimize gross human rights violations. We cannot let it succeed. We must do all we can to prevent this tandem-of-doom from happening. All democratic forces must come together and exert the greatest effort to prevent a Duterte dynasty or a Marcos restoration in Malacanang Palace. This has become a matter of national survival.”

Whatever the combination, the prospect of both Bongbong and a Duterte-backed candidate making a dash to lord over the country for the next six years can have terrifying consequences for the Philippines. Either the state is thrust into an unwanted martial law throwback, or it faces more of the same creeping authoritarianism, which now isn’t far off from all-out state dominion.

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Gregorio Brillantes' Brief History of Martial Law

IT WAS NOT SEPTEMBER 21, but September 22, 1972, that signaled the actual start of Ferdinand Marcos’ martial law regime. To be exact, 9:11 p.m. on that day 17 years ago— a Friday, as is the 22nd of this the first “Marcos Month” to be proclaimed by the admirers of the deposed despot. [1] The correct date of what Canor Yñiguez, Turing Tolentino, and Annie Ferrer [2] should commemorate as “Thanksgiving Day,” and the exact hour of the commencement of that infamy, are provided us by I.M. Escolastico, our friend and press brod of long standing (though he prefers to take things sitting down). And perhaps only in our fraternal estimate: pal Esky or Lasty or Ticong is one of the smartest, most perceptive and penetrating observers of the Pilipinas scene.

Ticong cites as his primary source or authority for the martial law data no less than the extraordinary author of Proclamation 1081 : Ferdinand Edralin (Ferdie, Andy, Apo, Tuta, Hitler) Marcos, who in 1980 or eight years after the event found the gall, cost, and ghost to write, in Notes on the New Society , now mercifully out of print, that “the instrument ‘Proclaiming a State of Martial Law in the Philippines’ had been signed on the 21st of September and transmitted to the Defense Authorities for implementation…clearance for which was given at 9:00 p.m., 22nd of September, after the ambush of Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile at 8:10 p.m. at Wack Wack Subdivision, Mandaluyong, Rizal.”

As for “implementation” being 11 minutes behind martial schedule—that, claims Ticong, ever the scrupulous student of history, was Enrile’s driver’s fault. The man, on learning that the defense chief was supposed to have been waylaid by Communist terrorists at Wack Wack, had called it a day and gone home to his second common-law wife, leaving Johnny driverless for crucial minutes on that fateful night. [3] As for the ambush, Enrile has since humbly confessed, under the tender gaze of Our Lady of Fatima at Edsa, that it was faked, to justify the desperate need—of his boss, as it turned out—for martial law.

As for the ambush, Enrile has since humbly confessed, under the tender gaze of Our Lady of Fatima at Edsa, that it was faked, to justify the desperate need—of his boss, as it turned out—for martial law.

So all that business about the Inglorious 21st had more to do with Apo Marcos’ superstitious obsession with numbers—dates divisible by seven were deemed most auspicious, until of course the 21st of August 1983—than with the facts of history, before which Esky can only bow down in reverent humility.

Anyway, that Friday night in September ‘72, Escolastico remembers sharing a convivial table at the Acapulco Bar of the Tower Hotel in Ermita with the Free Press’ Napoleon Rama, Pilipino Star’s Ruther Batuigas and the Economic Monitor’s Willie Baun, watching, together with two-thirds of Manila’s licentious press, an alleged fashion show of the latest-style lingerie. [4]

Nap Rama and some other connoisseurs of avant-garde fashion were nabbed on the way or when they got home in the pre-dawn darkness of September 23. To his surprise, dejection and eventual relief, Escolastico was spared the attentions lavished by the Metrocom on his subversive media colleagues. It seems his mother’s own cousin from Camiling, a rather short but high official close to Mr. Marcos, and a couple of Palace friends with no little influence at Camp Crame, had managed to have a few names, including his and that of a future National Artist then working on a biography of Ninoy Aquino, deleted from a colonel’s mission order. [5]

Whatever the real lowdown, which has never been confirmed or denied, the net result for Escolastico was an injustice, one of the most dastardly in that long dark night—denying him accommodations among the brave, the true and the honorable in the Crame gym, and depriving him of such manly ordeals, such inspiring tales of faith, valor and egoism as Max V. Soliven hadn’t tired of recycling 'til the day he died. [6]

Denied that transfiguring encounter with destiny, Escolastico now reveals that he sought redemption and peace of soul by writing down his impressions of the martial law years, for the benefit, as the former Malacañang tenant was wont to say, of “our country and people, of all Filipinos and their posterity.” By the time Apo Marcos and Imelda got settled in Makiki Heights, our friend had produced more than two thousand pages of jottings, enough for a hefty volume that can brain a thick-skulled FM loyalist if dropped from, say, the top of the Imeldific Cultural Center.

But is Escolastico’s chronicle of martial law, like Soc Rodrigo’s in this distinguished journal, worth the telling? [7] What can he possibly recount that hasn’t already been recorded in far more vivid detail and memorable style since the Marcoses took that flight to Hawaii?

Nap Rama and some other connoisseurs of avant-garde fashion were nabbed on the way or when they got home in the pre-dawn darkness of September 23.

People have a point there, he concedes; but not one to be so quickly squelched on the subject, he offers us this condensation of his massive work—a history of martial law, all in one paragraph:

“Contrary to oft-repeated allegations, it wasn’t honest-to-goodness one-man rule. Like any good dictator’s wife, Imelda helped ruin the country.” Johnny, Danding, Bobby, Hermie, Disini, Rudy, Jun, Laya, Ongpin, de Venecia, and other business-minded busy buddies pitched in, too. So did Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, George Bush, and Michael Armacost. [8] Not to be forgotten are the contributions to the erection of the New Republic from Kokoy, Bejo, Pacifico, Elizabeth, and other hard-working relatives. Marcos & Co. indeed had a lot to do—to our people and country, our history, government, economy, posterity, etc.

The 1973 Constitution, delayed by the abrupt disappearance of many Con-Con delegates, had to be finished, naturally in 1973. A group of diligent delegates, led by somebody who looked like Diosdado Macapagal, worked overtime in the Malacañang library, often forgoing dinner and floor show, to complete the Charter. The self-appointed constitutional authoritarian liked the results especially the provisions that would make him president for life. Marcos thought the Filipino people should, too. Multitudes expressed their approval by cheerfully raising their hands as they were photographed. The photo industry, along with other trades favored by the First Couple, was thus given a big boost.

The Muslims, who had been requested to surrender their guns, had to be placated, also with guns. [9] Generals added the mortuary business to their portfolio of lucrative sidelines. The Department of Public Information promoted developmental journalism. This led to some interesting developments in the media, anyway in the newspapers and publications that had replaced the Manila Times, Chronicle, Herald, Free Press, etc. Doroy Valencia developed Rizal Park and environs and was hailed as the Dean of Philippine Journalism. The cultural scene was enlivened by visiting artists like Van Cliburn, George Hamilton, Gina Lollobrigida, Rudolf Nureyev, Margot Fonteyn, George Frazier, and Muhammad Ali.

Marcos and Meldy didn’t neglect to bring Philippine-American relations to new heights or old depths, as the case may be—FM by entertaining Hollywood starlet Dovie Beams with bedside renditions of Ilocano love songs, and Imelda discoing all night long with the billionaire heiress Cristina Ford. Ninoy Aquino, the regime’s most famous detainee, and Soc Rodrigo, Tany Tañada, Tito Guingona, and other irrepressible souls ran for the Interim Batasan. They lost to Imelda, Cesar Virata, Vicente Paterno, and other beloved figures of the Kilusan Bagong Lipunan. The ensuing noise barrage failed to shatter Marcos’ eardrums or his equanimity.

Then, Francisco Tatad [10] resigned as information minister to campaign for the Opposition’s surprised presidential candidate, the heroic and semi-senile Alejo Santos. The old guy was trounced, too, but that didn’t seem to depress him or his pious campaign manager, who kept his job as media psychology consultant to the Office of the President. Marcos went on making speeches, something he had always liked to do since his UP days. [11]

What did martial law, Marcos, Imelda, Enrile, Danding, Ver, EDSA, and all that teach us Filipinos? What have we learned?” He answers his own momentous query: “Next to nothing.”

Florentino “Yen” Makabenta, not Adrian Cristobal, as was long wrongly assumed, wrote for Marcos something like 1,769 speeches, on subjects ranging from Absolutism to Zoning, without pronunciation guides. Consequently, Marcos kept saying ‘le-jeés-lah-tive,’ and ‘towárds’ and ‘Sar-tre,’ things like that, until aggravated Ateneans just had to launch the Light-a-Fire movement to stop the atrocities in conference halls, auditoriums, theaters, not to mention on radio-TV. Imelda also delivered her quota of speeches, with titles like "City of Man in the Kingdom of God" and "The Moral Dimensions and Aesthetic Parameters of the Green Revolution." On the side, with the audio-visual assistance of Dr. Jolly Benitez, she gave lectures on the "Synergy of the Good, the True and the Beautiful," and the "Bountiful Hole in the Sky."

The gap widened between the very rich and the very poor, with more and more of the latter tumbling into it or below the poverty line or along railway lines. The NPA featured Marcos’ portrait on its recruitment posters, with unprecedented results—9,743 more Joemao guerrillas roaming the countryside and chanting, “Down with the US-Marcos dictatorship, and expose and oppose US imperialism, domestic feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism!”

Amnesty International discovered that there were now many more human wrongs than rights. Metro Aides lent zest and color to often flooded streets and June 12 parades. Earlier, the Afro-Asian Writers Conference had for a special guest the famed punctuation poet, Jose Garcia Villa, [12] who, without really trying, almost caused the confab to lapse into a coma. Enrile and Danding put up a non-profit foundation for the coconut industry—to collect and invest the coco levy, research on stem borers, worms and other pests, and boost export production and the gross income of coconut planters playing the stock market. [13]

All this time, Marcos and his spouse were amassing a fabulous fortune by venturing into hidden wealth areas. This single-minded interest in matters financial would have some negative effects on the Philippine economy and the international banking system. Justice Secretary Ricardo Puno improved the syntax of the laws on detention. Chief Justice Ikeng Fernando penned his landmark annotations to the jurisprudence on Imelda’s official umbrella. On the third or fourth anniversary of the declaration of you-know-what, the Supreme Court Justices in special session rose as one chorus to sing the Hymn to Constitutional Authoritarianism that sounded more than a bit like Handel‘s Hallelujah . [14] Imelda borrowed at least five 747 jumbo jets from PAL (for her junkets round the world) and several millions from the GSIS (for building heart and lung centers and buying shoe stores), all without collateral and just by phoning Roman Cruz, Jr. which all involved some use of farce, as the First Lady had by then seized the airline from Benny Toda, and Marcos of course owned GSIS, SSS, PNB, and all the rest.

Around this time, Marcos decided to lift martial law, transferring the decree to a higher drawer in his Malacañang study, and throwing in some fresh mothballs to boot. This was before Ninoy Aquino came back from exile, [15] despite General Fabian Ver’s solicitous warning that some people would shoot him in the head if he wore a bulletproof vest. This was exactly what happened, at the airport, as Ninoy was gingerly helped down the passenger tube stairs. He was shot dead, in the head from behind and above, although his shorter assassin was seen standing on the tarmac several feet away in front of the tube stairs. [16]

The gap widened between the very rich and the very poor, with more and more of the latter tumbling into it or below the poverty line or along railway lines.

This led to a lot of confusion and bad feelings and angry demos throughout the land. Storms of yellow confetti donated by Bea Zobel and Ting-Ting Cojuangco blocked traffic on Ayala Avenue, while Butz Aquino and Nikki Coseteng alternately marched, skipped, and jogged from Tarlac to Tarmac. Then Marcos snapped at the chance of winning his sixth or seventh mandate from the people. But faced with the popular and saintly Cory, he found his macho appeal failing him, followed by his kidneys, or vice versa. He tried to do a repeat of his ‘69 election victory complete with guns, goons, gold, silver, and stuffed ballot boxes. That was when, as they say, ‘the shit hit the fan,’ which is more graphic, rhythmic and onomatopoeic in Ilocano. [17]

Finally, God, Enrile, Ramos, RAM, and Cardinal Sin brought about the EDSA Revolt, which gave the gringos the chance to repay Marcos for being their right arm or hand or whatever appendage in Asia. In a semi-comatose state the toppled constitutional authoritarian, together with his wife and kids Imee, Bongbong, and Irene, [18] was flown out by the U.S. State Department or the CIA or the Green Berets to involuntary exile, and retirement in Hono-lulu, [19] with Imelda on the plane singing ‘Killing Me Softly’ and ‘New York, New York,’ looking and sounding like Tessie Tomas, only “heavier, mournful and melodramatic.”

“Now,” says Escolastico as he looks us reprimandingly in the eye, “what did martial law, Marcos, Imelda, Enrile, Danding, Ver, EDSA and all that teach us Filipinos? What have we learned?” He answers his own momentous query: “Next to nothing.” [20]

1 “17 years ago” in 1989 when this historical paper was first written. About FM’s fans, as of 5 p.m., Aug. 22, 2012: there were 3, 147,568 card-carrying Marcos loyalists (as distinct from auxiliaries), roughly 57% from Ilocos Norte and/or Leyte, three from the Senate, 17 in the Lower House. (Ref. Marcos Forever Directory, KLB Club, Barangay Kalentong, Mandaluyong, MetroManila.)

2 Rep. Yñiguez and Sen. Tolentino have since gone to their reward. Actress Annie was last seen in Rizal Park chasing after or being chased by the riot police in ‘89 or ‘90. If located, Esquire might consider a photoshoot.

3 The driver, Joker or Jocar Nalundasan, was fired the next day and reportedly went back to Sarrat or Batac or Tuguegarao and turned NPA or OFW before or after EDSA.

4 Star of the show was Ruffa’s mom, Anabelle Rama. As Nap Rama, Bulletin publisher after EDSA, was heard to say: Time really fugits, bai!

5 Now it can be told: that highly influential official was the great CPR, this magazine’s editor-in-chief’s grand-uncle; the Palace friends were FM’s Special Assistant Juan Tuvera and wife, writer Kerima Polotan—all three from the loyal and ever noble province of Tarlac. That “future National Artist” was Nick Joaquin, whom the author had succeeded as editor-in-chief of Asia-Philippines Leader.

6 Max co-founded The Philippine Star with Betty Belmonte. That middle initial V., he used to say, didn’t mean Ver but valiant, vigilant, venturesome—and sometimes vociferous, verbose and voluminous, haha. A genuine, great Ilocano.

7 The Times-Journal was owned by Kokoy Romuladez, bless him—he never censored Soc or Escolastico. There was press freedom in that nook and cranny of Port Area—ask Jullie Yap Daza.

8 Macoy would never have declared martial law without U.S. O.K., thanks to special relations, Clark, Subic, etc.—until EDSA. As for those cronies, there’s Ricardo Manapat’s must-read Some Are Smarter Than Others (which in retrospect was putting it mildly).

9 One offshoot of the Mindanao MNLF wars—Imelda became roving Ambassador of the New Society. She and select Blue Ladies flew to Libya for peace talks with Nur Misuari’s mentor Muamar Khadaffi—and then on to Rome, Paris, London, Moscow, Beijing, Tokyo, San Francisco, New York, Cancun, Rio de Janeiro.

10 Yeah, the same Opus Dei minister who sparked People Power II by sitting on that sealed envelope which contained Erap’s laundry or jueteng list. Not to be confused, as happened once too often at news desks, with the celebrated Iglesia ni Cristo rapper and heavy metal sculp-tor, Kitch or Itlog Taccad.

11 FM had always had a special relationship with his alma mater—and the UP studentry. The First Quarter Storm that so discombobulated him was mostly a UP production, as was the Diliman launch of The Apo’s cassette tape, “Pamulinawen Lovie Dovie.”

12 Doveglion was one of Ma’am Meldy’s National Artists—for Pwetry. At a Malacañang state dinner, JGV shucked off his slacks to show his butt to Russian poet Yevtushenko and company, whereupon the First Lady had Villa hustled out by the Presidential Guard, never to be seen again.

13 They are still at it—or rather the stock-playing coco farmers—though the research on stem borers, worms and other coconut industry pests continues to this day, thanks to the agribusiness foundation founded by JP Enrile and E. Cojuangco.

14 No truth to the rumor that one Renato Corona was seen singing along—this Supreme Court choral performance was in 1979 and the recently impeached Chief Justice was then still in the Ateneo Grade School and hadn’t met Marcos, let alone Gloria, nor any dollar trader.

15 This was in August 1983—some months after Ninoy’s court martial and death sentence—and Imelda’s permission for him to leave for the U.S., to see his heart doctor in Boston.

16 Correction: Rolando Galman was never seen standing on the tarmac—he was pushed out stiff and dead from the Aviation Security Van as Ninoy was shot, from behind going down on the tube stairs. The mastermind or at least two of the conspirators are still alive and at large.

17 Nagparsiak ititakki nga impurwak didiay bentilador —translation courtesy of Sonny “Saluyot” Bangloy, VP for entertainment of the Laoag Press Club.

18 Imelda has since served as Leyte representative, and is now governor of Ilocos Norte. Imee too has been to Congress. And Senator Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is even now gearing for a run to Malacañang a few years hence. And those loyalists in Congress and out are clamoring louder than ever for their refrigerated idol in Batac to be enshrined in the Libingan ng Mga Bayani. So what else is new?

19 To be exact, in Makiki Heights—in the residence of Bienvenido Tantoco. The Marcoses stayed in Tantoco’s villa till the dictator’s demise from lupus and extraconstitutional complications in September 1989, age 72.

20 Next to zero or what? Ask Cory, or rather her KAMAGANAK, Inc. and the tenants of Hacienda Luisita. Ask Fidel Ramos and top officials and generals and old Cha-Cha troupe. Ask Joseph Erap Estrada, the popular plunderer and convicted charmer. Ask Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo…Ask P-Noy—Benigno Simeon Aquino III...They just might all agree.

Gregorio C. Brillantes’ “A Brief History of Martial Law” first appeared in the Times-Journal in 1989, and was later collected in his non-fiction collection The Cardinal’s Sins, the General’s Cross, the Martyr’s Testimony and Other Affirmations (Ateneo de Manila Press, 2005). It was then published in the September 2012 issue of Esquire Philippines .

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FAST FACTS: How Marcos silenced, controlled the media during Martial Law

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FAST FACTS: How Marcos silenced, controlled the media during Martial Law

MANILA, Philippines – When the late ousted dictator Ferdinand Marcos imposed Martial Law on September 21, 1972 via Proclamation 1081, the first casualty was the country’s free press and mass media.

A free press is a key feature of a functioning democracy, where media serves as a government watchdog and source of information for citizens.

Marcos knew the pivotal role of the media and made sure to remove all their powers and privileges the moment he declared Martial Law.

Marcos controlled people’s access and the kind of information they got. He also stifled public criticism and ensured he had the final say on what he claimed was the truth.

Here were the ways Marcos attacked press freedom during his dictatorship:

1. Shutdown, takeover of private media

On September 22, 1972, Marcos issued Letter of Instruction No. 1, authorizing the military to take over the assets of major media outlets nationwide.

Marcos justified the order by saying it was done to prevent the use of privately-owned mass media against the government.

“[I]n order to prevent the use of privately owned newspapers, magazines, radio and television facilities and all other media of communications, for propaganda purposes against the government and its duly constituted authorities or for any purpose that tends to undermine the faith and confidence of the people in our government and aggravate the present national emergency, you are hereby ordered forthwith to take over and control or cause the taking over and control of all….for the duration of the present national emergency or until otherwise ordered by me or by my duly designated representative.”

Here is a copy of the order:

On September 28, Marcos issued Letter of Instruction No. 1-A , ordering the military to specifically sequester facilities of ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corporation and Associated Broadcasting Corporation.

ABC facilities included:

radio stations DZMT, DZTM and DZWS
sister radio stations in Davao City, Cebu City, Laoag City and Dagupan City
Channel 5 and its sister TV stations in the cities of Davao and Cebu

Marcos linked the networks to a conspiracy with the communist party. He said the owners and officers of ABS-CBN and ABC “are engaged in subversive activities against the government” and are “participants in a conspiracy to overthrow the government”

Marcos’ order said the networks have “actively engaged in” or “allowed the use of its facilities and manpower in the broadcast and dissemination of subversive materials,” as well as “slanted,” “overly exaggerated news stories and commentaries,” “false, vile, foul and scurrilous statements and utterances.”

The dictator also said that these networks “had been used as indispensable instruments in the assassination attempt against the President of the Republic of the Philippines by maligning him.”

Almost 10,000 people lost their jobs, according to Filipino author E. San Juan Jr, citing reports from the International Press Institute and the Press Foundation of Asia.

It was the first time ABS-CBN was shut down. Almost 48 years later, it would again encounter a similar fate under President Rodrigo Duterte after the network failed to secure a franchise renewal.

#PugadBaboy: Middle East worker II

2. Arrest of journalists, media owners

According to San Juan’s 1978 article , which was published in the award-winning magazine Index of Censorship : “On the eve of the proclamation of martial law, leading mass-circulation dailies, weekly magazines and journals, radio and television stations, were shut down by soldiers in full combat gear. Thousands of journalists, editors, radio and television personnel were arrested and thrown into jail without due process.”

Teodoro Locsin Sr., publisher of the Philippines Free Press, was arrested and imprisoned on the first week of Martial Law.

Manila Times publisher Chino Roces and several journalists including Luis Beltran, Maximo Soliven, Amando Doronila, and Juan Mercado were also arrested.

ABS-CBN owner, Eugenio Lopez Jr, was also arrested and imprisoned in Fort Bonifacio.

More journalists were harassed or imprisoned during the regime.

3. Blanket censorship , regulation

On September 25, the Department of Public Information issued Department Order No. 1, which prescribed policies and guidelines for the news media, strictly defining the kind of reporting they should do.

According to San Juan, the order said there was a need for “news reports of positive national value” to assist the administration of martial law.

He added that the order prohibited media from carrying “any editorial opinion, commentary, comments or asides” or any material critical of the military or law enforcement agencies.

The order also required news agencies to get clearance from the agency before publishing or airing any content. This extended to all foreign dispatches and cables.

4. Only Marcos-controlled media were allowed

At the time, only Marcos-controlled media, operated by his cronies, were allowed to operate. The Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), owned by Marcos crony Roberto Benedicto, took over ABS-CBN. The National Media Production Center (NMPC) under the Ministry of Information took over Channel 4, which became the government’s official TV station. The Kanlaon Broadcasting System (KBS), another Benedicto-owned television station, took over the provincial stations to serve as platforms for government’s mass media peace-and-order campaigns.

Other Marcos-controlled media included Radio Philippines Network, the Voice of the Philippines, Philippines Broadcasting System, and the Daily Express.

With mass media becoming a propaganda tool for Marcos, people created an underground media, with activists establishing community papers and Filipino journalists writing for the so-called mosquito press in the 1980s.

5. Even religious publications weren’t able to escape Marcos’ order

In December 1976, Marcos ordered the closure of two church publications, the last free publications left, according to San Juan. This included the Signs of the Times , a mimeographed weekly put out by the Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines, the largest Catholic organization, and The Communicator , a weekly newsletter published by the Jesuits.

Marcos also shut down two church-operated radio stations in Tagum, Davao and Malaybalay, Bukidnon in Mindanao. Catholic bishops were the fiercest critics of the martial law regime in the areas.

6. Expulsion of, visa rejections for foreign journalists

In 1976, Marcos expelled foreign journalist Arnold Zeitlin , bureau chief of the Associated Press , after accusing him of “malicious, false reporting” of the Jolo fighting.

In 1977, the government also denied the visa application of Bernard Wideman, correspondent for the Hong Kong-based Far Eastern Economic Review and The Washington Post , but later on rescinded the order. – Rappler.com

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Was it really a golden age? Myths on Ferdinand Marcos' martial law debunked

By AYIE LICSI Published Sep 21, 2022 9:00 am Updated Sep 21, 2022 2:08 pm

Nothing is as disputed and controversial in Philippine history as the late former president Ferdinand E. Marcos' martial law.

50 years later, the truth about martial law has been muddled in attempts to play down the horrendous human rights abuses that transpired during that dark period of Philippine history.

There are those who remember the brutal and corrupt reign, but the disinformation spreading like wildfire on social media seeks to erase these memories and revise history. Of the 326 fact checks done by Tsek.ph from November 2021 to February 2022, 58 were about the martial law era, the EDSA People Power Revolution, and the administrations of Marcos and Corazon Aquino. From these fact checks, the most viewed claim said no Marcos critic was arrested during his regime.

In the Philippines' long history, why is Marcos' controversial martial law one of the most disputed topics—with one side describing it as a "golden era" while others see it as a dark time?

Narratives, rooted in the past, especially when distorted to favor a specific person or family, can be powerful enough to rally people to them, and have themselves elected to power.

The root of the myths

"We lack the education in trying to learn what actually happened, that's the problem," historian and De La Salle University professor Jose Victor Torres told PhilSTAR L!fe . "1986 came and we drove Marcos away, they did nothing—they didn't teach martial law in our history classes."

Torres added that Filipinos were too focused on finally bringing back democracy that questions about martial law were put on the back burner.

However, numerous pieces of literature and films were published about the dictatorship–and even during it. Former press censor and chief propagandist Primitivo Mijares defected Marcos' side and testified against his abuses in his 1975 book The Conjugal Dictatorship .

For historian Kristoffer Pasion, the myths are widespread because of distorted narratives.

"Narratives, rooted in the past, especially when distorted to favor a specific person or family, can be powerful enough to rally people to them, and have themselves elected to power," he said.

" These narratives such as Duterte as the 'father figure' (Tatay Digong) or BBM as 'Kuya' whose father was strongman Marcos Sr., make these politicians relatable, and make people suspend rational processes, give in to emotion, and eventually believe the most spectacular things—to the point that when they encounter facts contrary to what they believe in, they would reject them."

As we commemorate the 50th year since martial law was implemented in the Philippines, let's debunk some widely believed myths about this era.

Myth: Martial law was declared on Sept. 21

Based on the Official Gazette 's timeline, democracy was still alive on Sept. 21, 1972, and it was actually at 7:15 PM, Sept. 23 when Marcos appeared on TV to declare martial law.

"21 was divisible by seven. That's why Marcos wanted martial law declared on the 21st. He believed in numerology," Pasion explained.

Journalists and opposition leaders were arrested, and media outlets and TV stations were shut down on the 23rd.

In 2021, he wrote a thread on Twitter, insisting on aiming for accuracy. "Mahirap lang din isipin na tatlong dekada na pagkatapos niya mamatay, eh nasunod pa rin natin ang gusto niya based on numerology. #Never again to being duped tayo."

Myth: Martial law was a time of peace and prosperity

In the 60s , activists swarmed the streets as students questioned the roots of society's problems, inspired by ideas from nationalist Claro M. Recto. Student unrest peaked in 1970 with the First Quarter Storm, after Marcos was reelected.

The demonstrations would continue until Sept. 23, when the ex-president appeared on TV, declaring martial law. Journalists and opposition leaders were rounded up, so the once loud streets were hushed.

"All of a sudden, maririnig mo talaga from those [alive] at the time, tumahimik daw. There was peace and order. Siyempre meron kasi everyone was arrested and thrown into jail," Torres said.

Amnesty International documented extensive human rights violations from 1972 to 1981, including 70,000 individuals imprisoned, 3,200 victims of extrajudicial killings, and 34,000 tortured.

"A lot of the opposition were arrested. The police really cracked down on criminality. It was basically a military takeover even though Marcos kept insisting it wasn't," the historian added.

Myth: Martial law was the golden age of the Philippines

During the early years of the Marcos administration, the economy went up, with the gross domestic product (GDP) growing at an average 6% growth per year from 1972 to 1980.

Infrastructure projects were developed like the Bataan Nuclear Powerplant, Philippine Heart Center, National Kidney and Transplant Institute, Lung Center of the Philippines, and more. First lady Imelda Marcos envisioned the Philippines as the "Cannes of Asia," thus building theaters like the Manila Film Center, Cultural Center of the Philippines complex, Philippine International Convention Center, and National Arts Center.

But as Torres puts it, "the cracks started to show" by the early 80s.

"What was not actually known until much later was talagang umutang [sila Marcos and Imelda]. They really sank the country in debt because of those projects," he continued.

From $0.36 billion in 1961, the country's debt skyrocketed to $28.26 billion by 1986.

Myth: $1=P1 during Marcos' era

When Marcos was first elected president in 1965, one US dollar was equivalent to P3.90, not one peso. And by the end of his reign in 1986, the value actually depreciated —one dollar would be P20.46.

Myth: 'Bata pa lang si Imee at BBM noong martial law'

In 2017, former president Rodrigo Duterte falsely claimed Marcos' children, Sen. Imee and President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Jr., were "too young" to have been complicit in the human rights abuses during their father's reign.

At the beginning of the military rule, Bongbong was 15 while Imee was 17 and by the end of it, they were 28 and 30. During martial law in 1980, the son followed in his father's footsteps in politics and became the vice governor of Ilocos Norte at 23.

Myth: If it weren't for Marcos, we wouldn't have OFWs

On May 1, 1974, Marcos implemented Presidential Decree 442, a labor code to push overseas contract work, making the myth partly true. The number of overseas workers did significantly increase from 36,035 in 1975 to 378,214 in 1986. The reason why Filipinos had to look for opportunities abroad, however, gets overlooked.

Pinoys couldn't earn enough to feed their families with the jobs they had in the country, as chronicled in a video by the National Historical Commission of the Philippines.

Six out of 10 families were poor by the end of Marcos' rule, with Filipino farmers earning only P30 per day in 1986. Prices of goods tripled by the last decade of martial law—the basic commodities that would cost P100 in 1976 cost more than P300 by the end of the regime.

Myth: Marcoses left Malacañang calmly in 1986

In Darryl Yap's fictional retelling of the Marcoses' last days in the Malacañang Palace, it was portrayed that the family left calmly as they fled the country on the night of Feb. 25, 1986.

However, in reality, they rushed to put their things together. According to Angela Stuart-Santiago's Chronology of a Revolution , the former first family began packing their things at around 6 PM and they had two hours to leave the Palace.

In the book Ferdinand E: Marcos: Malacañang to Makiki , the ex-president's military aide Arturo Aruiza noted that the night was busy as the family's things were packed.

"The traffic between the bedroom upstairs and Heroes Hall below grew more frenzied as all kinds of luggage made their way down. There were carton boxes, garment bags, duffel bags, traveling bags, leather bags, attaché cases, Louis Vuitton bags, suitcases, and just plain boxes packed but their flaps left unsealed," he wrote.

"Back in the Palace that last night, things were in an uproar, all of us running around, grabbing at possessions, shouting last-minute instructions, trying to remember admonitions."

Myth: There was no suppression of press freedom during martial law

On Sept. 28, Marcos authorized the military to shut down major media outlets, including the ABS-CBN Network, Channel 5, and other broadcasting stations. He claimed the media outlets were "engaged in subversive activities against the government."

In 2007, former executive editor of the defunct Mirror Magazine Jennifer Santillan Santiago wrote about how challenging it was to be a journalist during martial law. It was an era of "press release journalism," she said as reporters could only publish press releases from the government. In addition, they couldn't conduct ambush interviews and instead had to make appointments to interview government officials.

Despite this, Marcos still maintained "there is no censorship at present" when he was interviewed on Sept. 20, 1974 on the NBC Today Show .

Fighting for the truth

For historians Torres and Pasion, the only way to battle these martial law myths is with the truth.

"The only way to battle the [historical distortion] on social media is with the truth. Right now, accessibility to social media is the same [for everyone]. It's getting the facts that are important," Torres said.

Pasion added that fact-checking alone is not enough and what is needed is "patient persuasion" through arts, humanities, and other creative means rooted in the truth.

"The battle should be through affect also. We must be ready to engage people with whatever means necessary, listening to where they are coming from, in order that we answer powerfully and effectively," he said.

"We've been too polarized. What we need is to break the barriers of our bubble to enter those who've been hooked, understanding things from their point of view, so that we can break the narrative they have been caught in. History not only provides facts, but context and understanding, which leads to empathy, accountability, and ultimately justice."

TAGS: Martial Law Ferdinand Marcos ML50

Associate Editor

Ayie is a self-confessed nerd with a love for all things tech, film, and queer culture. Reach her at [email protected]

Martial law and historical revisionism: A holistic understanding

Post author By Bianca Suarez , Alex Kaluag , Ian Benedict Mia
Post date May 1, 2016
No Comments on Martial law and historical revisionism: A holistic understanding

As the 2016 National Elections draw closer, more Filipinos have voiced out their concern regarding Vice Presidential candidate Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. and several of his statements regarding his late father’s administration. History professors from Ateneo de Manila University (AdMU) and University of the Philippines Diliman (UPD) have called out Marcos for his distortion of facts relating to the supposed “Golden Era” that occurred during Martial Law.

Darkest events of Martial Law and “Bagong Lipunan”

Despite Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s arguably good intentions for the Bagong Lipunan (New Society), which include uniting the poor and privileged, his era was tainted with a dark history involving crony capitalism, extrajudicial killings, graft, corruption, suppression of media, and many others.

“If you lived through those times and not aware of Martial Law, you would probably say that Bagong Lipunan was great, but if you look behind the façade, you will see its wrongdoings and corruption. It was a means to make Marcos maintain power,” shares history Professor Dr. Jose Victor Torres.

According to the official website of the Philippine government, 75,730 people filed cases as victims of human rights abuse under the Human Rights Victims Claims Board (HRVCB). They also estimate that 70,000 people were detained as enemies of the state, 3,240 people became victims of extrajudicial killing, and 398 people were subjected to forced disappearances during the 20 years of Martial Law.

By the end of the Marcos regime, the national government debt was at P395.91 billion. The largest contributor to the debt was the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, which was worth $2.3 billion and has, to this day, never been used.

Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reports that the poverty incidence rate in 1985 was 44 percent, but the latest statistics show that this rate decreased to 26.3 percent in the first semester of 2015. Employment was also at an all-time low in 1985 at 87.4 percent. In contrast, in January 2015, PSA recorded the employment rate to be 93.4 percent.

Emmanuel S. de Dios, an Economics professor at UPD, stated that the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth from 1972 to 1985 was 3.4 percent per annum in comparison to the 5.4 percent per annum growth rate experienced from 2003 to 2014. The main factor for the low GDP growth rate during Martial Law was the large debt that had accumulated under the Marcos regime.

However, Dr. Torres mentions that President Marcos was able to save the economy of the Philippines during his first term as president. He notes how the economy was in a bad condition by the end of Diosdado Macapagal’s administration and noted that during Marcos’ tenure as president, he was unable to save the country’s economy.

Developmental milestones

Dr. Torres adds that despite many human rights violations during Martial Law, the Marcos Regime also has some notable achievements that have benefitted the country. Among these is Marcos’ five-year developmental plan for the Philippines, which included the construction of the Light Rail Transit, the first in Southeast Asia.

Infrastructure development was one of the major achievements of the Marcos administration. Structures built during his regime include the Cultural Center of the Philippines, the Philippine International Convention Center, the Metropolitan Museum of Manila, and the Folk Arts Theater, which were built within the periphery of the Cultural Center of the Philippines Complex. Today, these structures are still being used for various events and gatherings.

In terms of public health and road networks, the Marcos administration saw the construction of the Philippine Heart Center, the Lung Center, the Kidney Institute, the Philippine Children’s Hospital, the Manila North Diversion Road, the Marcos Highway, and the San Juanico Bridge. Since the construction of these hospitals three decades ago, no other specialized hospitals have been built.

During his time, Marcos had written many laws that are still in effect today. From September 21, 1972 to February 26, 1986, he was able to formulate a total of 7,883 presidential decrees and some legal issuances. Out of thousands of presidential decrees, only 67 were modified or repealed.

Lastly, it was also during the time of Marcos when the Philippines became a leading exporter of rice in Southeast Asia. The International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) was established mainly to enhance rice technology in the country. Through the IRRI, varieties of rice developed made a big impact in several rice-producing countries in the world.

Historical revisionism

Members of the history community have raised their concerns regarding the issue of politicians altering history for their personal agenda or benefit. Dr. Torres comments on how the Filipinos are well aware of what transpired in the past, yet fail to look at it critically. He says that we must see the historical context and look at these events at a better perspective.

In light of his vice-presidential bid, Marcos Jr. has been hounded by numerous groups for an apology for the crimes committed during his father’s term as president under Martial Law. Among these are a group of professors coming from different universities, including DLSU. Professors from the History Department, Filipino Department, Political Science Department, Literature Department, and others have been vocal against various forms of historical revisionism.

However, Marcos Jr. refuses to apologise for any of his father’s transgressions. The entire family of the former president refuses to make an apology, claiming that they did not violate any rights or committed any form of violence.

Marcos’ comeback

In 1995, Imelda Marcos was elected into office as congresswoman of Leyte. Since then, the members of the Marcos family have successfully made a political comeback as they found themselves in various government positions thanks to the backing of loyal supporters.

When Senator Marcos Jr. filed his Certificate of Candidacy in 2015 for his vice presidential bid, many Filipinos reacted violently, fearing a comeback of the Marcos regime in the Philippines. Rallies and protests expressing disdain with the idea of a Marcos once again holding an executive position were conducted in public places such as the Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, where the 1986 peace revolution to oust Marcos Sr. was held, and Cebu City Hall.

However, Dr. Torres believes that this is not the comeback of the Marcos family. “If Bongbong goes back to position, we have the previous administration to blame. I don’t think [there will be a comeback] but I think it is progressing.” Dr. Torres is of the opinion that while the older Marcos is a political genius, his son is not.

By Bianca Suarez

By Alex Kaluag

By Ian Benedict Mia

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	Located next to Noginskoye Highway in Electrostal, Apelsin Hotel offers comfortable rooms with free Wi-Fi. Free parking is available. The elegant rooms are air conditioned and feature a flat-screen satellite TV and fridge...	from
	Located in the green area Yamskiye Woods, 5 km from Elektrostal city centre, this hotel features a sauna and a restaurant. It offers rooms with a kitchen...	from
	Ekotel Bogorodsk Hotel is located in a picturesque park near Chernogolovsky Pond. It features an indoor swimming pool and a wellness centre. Free Wi-Fi and private parking are provided...	from
	Surrounded by 420,000 m² of parkland and overlooking Kovershi Lake, this hotel outside Moscow offers spa and fitness facilities, and a private beach area with volleyball court and loungers...	from
	Surrounded by green parklands, this hotel in the Moscow region features 2 restaurants, a bowling alley with bar, and several spa and fitness facilities. Moscow Ring Road is 17 km away...	from

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Moscow Oblast
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Elektrostal

State Housing Inspectorate of the Moscow Region

Phone 8 (496) 575-02-20 8 (496) 575-02-20

Phone 8 (496) 511-20-80 8 (496) 511-20-80

Public administration near State Housing Inspectorate of the Moscow Region

IMAGES

Never-ending tales on Marcos’ martial law
Never-ending tales on Marcos’ martial law
Marcos Summary
Philippine under Martial Law
SOLUTION: Marcos and Martial Law in the Philippines : Study Guide
Never-ending tales on Marcos’ martial law

VIDEO

MARCOS, MARTIAL LAW, AQUINO, SISON & PHILIPPINE LEFT
72-year-old martial law survivor joins protest vs Marcos Jr
Xiao Talks: The Marcos Dictatorship / Martial Law in 24 minutes

COMMENTS

Ferdinand Marcos as a Leader: Impact of Martial Law on Philippines
Ferdinand Marcos: Golden Era Illusion. Many perceive the declaration of Martial Law as the beginning of the golden era of the Philippines. Ferdinand Marcos was one of the great political leaders of the 20th century. At the beginning of his reign, he showed a positive impression towards the society.
Philippines
Philippines - Martial Law, Marcos, Dictatorship: In September 1972 Marcos declared martial law, claiming that it was the last defense against the rising disorder caused by increasingly violent student demonstrations, the alleged threats of communist insurgency by the new Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the Muslim separatist movement of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF).
Marcos' martial law: Golden age for corruption, abuses
The World Bank and UN Office on Drugs and Crimes said Marcos, having the longest reign as dictator, stole between $5 billion and $10 billion from the country's coffers. The corruption was so ...
Victims Recall Life in the Philippines Under Marcos's Martial Law
He was arrested in the central province of Samar in 1972, the year martial law was declared in the Philippines. Ferdinand E. Marcos placed the country under military rule 50 years ago this week ...
Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
At 7:15 p.m. on September 23, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos announced on television that he had placed the Philippines under martial law, [1] [2] stating he had done so in response to the "communist threat" posed by the newly founded Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the sectarian "rebellion" of the Muslim Independence Movement ...
The Marcos Makeover: Revising History and Rebranding Martial Law in the
In the annals of Philippine history, the name Marcos is synonymous with fascist dictatorship through martial law, human rights abuses and economic turmoil. Ferdinand Marcos Sr., who ruled the Philippines from 1965 to 1986, declared martial law on September 21, 1972, citing the need to suppress communist insurgency and maintain law and order.
#NeverAgain: A Recap and Analysis of Marcos' Martial Law Declaration
Demise fell in the Philippines in 1972 when late dictator Ferdinand Marcos placed the country under Martial Law through signing Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, with its formal declaration on September 23 at exactly 7:15 pm, leading to one of the darkest chapters in Philippine history. "Justification" to the call for democracy ...
Philippines Presidential Race: Marcos and the Specter of Martial Law
Subscribe for ads-free reading. Most would agree that the martial law period in the Philippines from 1972 to 1986 was a dark time, marred by violence, the suspension of basic civil liberties, and ...
Claiming History: Memoirs of the Struggle against Ferdinand Marcos's
the essay maps the Martial Law experiences of the contributors to these volumes of memoirs, and the fourth locates the books' place in Philippine historiography. The Martial Law Regime in Philippine History On 21 September 1972 President Ferdinand Marcos put the Philippines under Martial Law, claiming that the measure was necessary to
Five things to know about Martial Law in the Philippines
Here are five things to know about why the period under Martial Law matters in the ongoing fight for truth, justice and reparations in the Philippines. 1. Extensive human rights violations. The nine-year military rule ordered by then President Ferdinand Marcos in 1972 unleashed a wave of crimes under international law and grave human rights ...
Martial Law Revisionism and the Fight for History
21 September 1972, the Dictator Ferdinand Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 placing the Philippines under a state of Martial Law. In what has come to be one of the nation's darkest chapters, the Marcos regime exercised civilian control through grave violations of human rights, such as through the torture, enforced disappearance, and extra-judicial killing of tens of thousands of Filipinos.
[OPINION] Never again, never forget: The violent memory of Martial Law
September marks the anniversary of a turbulent, violent, and painful memory in Philippine history - Ferdinand E. Marcos' Martial Law. This year, in particular, denotes the 50 th anniversary of ...
History of Martial Law in the Philippines
IT WAS NOT SEPTEMBER 21, but September 22, 1972, that signaled the actual start of Ferdinand Marcos' martial law regime. To be exact, 9:11 p.m. on that day 17 years ago— a Friday, as is the 22nd of this the first "Marcos Month" to be proclaimed by the admirers of the deposed despot. [1] The correct date of what Canor Yñiguez, Turing ...
The truths about martial law
MARCOS MARTIAL LAW: NEVER AGAIN: ... The book is a collection of essays. The co-author, Neni Sta. Roman Cruz wrote in the preface: "this [book] has greater relevance today as the dark period of ...
FAST FACTS: How Marcos silenced, controlled the media during Martial Law
MANILA, Philippines - When the late ousted dictator Ferdinand Marcos imposed Martial Law on September 21, 1972 via Proclamation 1081, the first casualty was the country's free press and mass ...
Argumentative Essay
argumentative essay - Read online for free. Martial law was declared in the Philippines by President Ferdinand Marcos on September 21, 1972. While some argue it brought prosperity, many Filipinos suffered under Marcos' dictatorship. The suspension of habeas corpus allowed thousands to be unjustly imprisoned. Bans on assemblies and firearms restricted civil liberties.
Was it really a golden age? Myths on Ferdinand Marcos' martial law
Myth: Martial law was the golden age of the Philippines. During the early years of the Marcos administration, the economy went up, with the gross domestic product (GDP) growing at an average 6% growth per year from 1972 to 1980. Infrastructure projects were developed like the Bataan Nuclear Powerplant, Philippine Heart Center, National Kidney ...
Martial law and historical revisionism: A holistic understanding
Darkest events of Martial Law and "Bagong Lipunan" Despite Ferdinand Marcos Sr.'s arguably good intentions for the Bagong Lipunan (New Society), which include uniting the poor and privileged, his era was tainted with a dark history involving crony capitalism, extrajudicial killings, graft, corruption, suppression of media, and many others ...
Batas Militar
Views. 17466. Batas Militar, commonly known in its English translation as "Martial Law". As stated in the 1973 Constitution of the Philippine Republic that the Prime Minister as the Commander-in-Chief may declare Martial Law under the same conditions, "in case of invasion, insurrection or rebellion, or imminent danger thereof, the public ...
Flag of Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast, Russia : r/vexillology
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Elektrostal Map
Elektrostal is a city in Moscow Oblast, Russia, located 58 kilometers east of Moscow. Elektrostal has about 158,000 residents. Mapcarta, the open map.
Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast, Russia
Elektrostal Geography. Geographic Information regarding City of Elektrostal. Elektrostal Geographical coordinates. Latitude: 55.8, Longitude: 38.45. 55° 48′ 0″ North, 38° 27′ 0″ East. Elektrostal Area. 4,951 hectares. 49.51 km² (19.12 sq mi) Elektrostal Altitude.
State Housing Inspectorate of the Moscow Region
State Housing Inspectorate of the Moscow Region Elektrostal postal code 144009. See Google profile, Hours, Phone, Website and more for this business. 2.0 Cybo Score. Review on Cybo.