sexual abuse research articles

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• Published: 18 July 2013

Lessons learned from child sexual abuse research: prevalence, outcomes, and preventive strategies

• Delphine Collin-Vézina 1 ,
• Isabelle Daigneault 2 &
• Martine Hébert 3  

Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health volume  7 , Article number:  22 ( 2013 ) Cite this article

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Although child sexual abuse (CSA) is recognized as a serious violation of human well-being and of the law, no community has yet developed mechanisms that ensure that none of their youth will be sexually abused. CSA is, sadly, an international problem of great magnitude that can affect children of all ages, sexes, races, ethnicities, and socioeconomic classes. Upon invitation, this current publication aims at providing a brief overview of a few lessons we have learned from CSA scholarly research as to heighten awareness of mental health professionals on this utmost important and widespread social problem. This overview will focus on the prevalence of CSA, the associated mental health outcomes, and the preventive strategies to prevent CSA from happening in the first place.

Although only recently acknowledged as a concerning social problem, child sexual abuse (CSA) is, in our day, at the forefront of worldwide social policies and practices. Four decades of research has certainly contributed to better our knowledge on the experiences of victims of CSA. With more than 20,000 research papers on CSA listed under the most renowned research databases, child and adolescent mental health practitioners, researchers and decision-makers may find it challenging to keep up with this rapidly increasing literature. In response to this need, the aim of the current paper is to provide a brief overview on CSA to heighten awareness of practitioners on this utmost important and widespread social problem. The content of this paper was first presented at the annual symposium of the Centre for Child Protection , headed by the Institute of Psychology at the Pontifical Gregorian University and scholars of the University of Ulm, to a group of religious leaders responding to the sexual abuse of minors around the world, including Argentina, Ecuador, Germany, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Italy and Kenya. Upon invitation, this current publication is a unique opportunity to highlight a few of the main lessons we have learned from the scholarly literature on CSA, with a focus on its prevalence, mental health outcomes and preventive strategies.

Magnitude: how prevalent is CSA?

Until recently, there was much disagreement as to what should be included in the definition of CSA [ 1 ]. In some definitions, only contact abuse was included, such as penetration, fondling, kissing, and touching [ 2 ]. Non-contact sexual abuse, such as exhibitionism and voyeurism, were not always considered abusive. Nowadays, the field is evolving towards a more inclusive understanding of CSA that is broadly defined as any sexual activity perpetrated against a minor by threat, force, intimidation, or manipulation. The array of sexual activities thus includes fondling, inviting a child to touch or be touched sexually, intercourse, rape, incest, sodomy, exhibitionism, involving a child in prostitution or pornography, or online child luring by cyberpredators [ 3 , 4 ]. CSA experiences vary greatly over multiple dimensions including, but not limited to: duration, frequency, intrusiveness of acts perpetrated, and relationship with perpetrator. Although sexual activity between children has long been thought to be harmless, child on child CSA experiences, such as those involving siblings, is increasingly being recognized as detrimental for the emotional well-being of children as adult on child CSA [ 5 – 7 ]. While adult-to-child interactions in which the purpose is sexual gratification are considered abusive, sexual behaviours between children are less clear-cut as there is no universal definition of sexual abuse that differentiates it from normal sex play and exploration [ 8 ]. Although a 2 to 5-year age difference between children was first suggested as necessary to consider sexual behaviours between siblings to be incest [ 9 ], this criterion is being questioned as studies have shown this age difference to be much lower in many substantiated cases of child-to-child abuse [ 10 ]. This formulation of CSA is in keeping with the recommendations from the 1999 World Health Organization Consultation on Child Abuse Prevention, where CSA is defined as any activity of a sexual nature ‘between a child and an adult or another child who by age or development is in a relationship of responsibility, trust or power, the activity being intended to gratify or satisfy the needs of the other person’. That said, some definitional issues have not yet been resolved in the field. First, much disparity exists regarding age for sexual consent, or age for sexual maturity, which has an influence on the extent to which statutory sex offenses are considered CSA. Sexual activities that involve a person below a statutorily designated age fall under the large umbrella of CSA; however, the age of consent varies greatly across countries, from as young as 12 or 13 (e.g. Tonga, Spain) to 17 or 18 years of age (e.g. some states in the US, Australia). In virtually all European jurisdictions, sexual relations are legal from age 16 onwards, but some countries have set the age for sexual consent at 14 or 15 [ 11 ]. In other words, when no coercion or force is used, cases that involve sexual activities between an adult and, for example, a 14-year-old teenager, will be either perceived as a consensual sexual relationship or criminalized and defined as sexual abuse, depending on the legal statutorily designated age of the country where the event occurred. In Canada, a bill was recently adopted to change the age of consent from 14 to 16, a premiere in Canada’s history, which emphasizes the impact governmental decisions can have on definitional issues of CSA in societies over time [ 12 ]. Second, although coerced sexual activities that occur in dating or romantic relationships is recognized as a form of sexual violence by the World Health Association (see for example a WHO multi-country study from Garcia-Moreno and colleagues [ 13 ]), the extent to which this form of interpersonal violence is socially recognized and acknowledged in different legislations around the world is unclear.

In that vein, the exact extent of the problem of CSA is difficult to approximate given the lack of consensus on the definition used in research inquiries, as well as the differences in the data collection systems across areas [ 14 ]. For example, in their review of the current rates of CSA across 55 studies from 24 countries, Barth and colleagues [ 15 ] found much heterogeneity in studies they reviewed and concluded that rates of CSA for females ranged from 8 to 31% and from 3 to 17% for males. Though, despite these methodological challenges, recent systematic reviews and meta-analyses that included studies conducted worldwide across hundreds of different age-cohort samples have consistently shown an alarming rate of CSA, with averages of 18-20% for females and of 8-10% for males [ 16 ], with the lowest rates for both girls (11.3%) and boys (4.1%) found in Asia, and highest rates found for girls in Australia (21.5%) and for boys in Africa (19.3%) [ 17 ]. Research findings do, however, clearly demonstrate a major lack of congruence between the low number of official reports of CSA to authorities, and the high rates of CSA that youth and adults self-report retrospectively. Indeed, the recent comprehensive meta-analysis conducted by Stoltenborgh and colleagues [ 17 ] that combined estimations of CSA in 217 studies published between 1980 and 2008, showed the rates of CSA to be more than 30 times greater in studies relying on self-reports (127 by 1000) than in official-report inquiries, such as those based on data from child protection services and the police (4/1000). In other words, while 1 out of 8 people report having experienced CSA, official incidence estimates center around only 1 per 250 children.

This discrepancy can be explained by the different steps that CSA cases go through before they are substantiated, and thus counted in official-report inquiries. First, victims of CSA or their confidants have to disclose their suspicions to the authorities. Many reports of child abuse are never passed on. In fact, the majority of studies highlight the fact that many victims continue to be unrecognized [ 3 ]. A review of CSA studies by Finkelhor [ 2 ] found that across all studies, only about half of victims had disclosed the abuse to anyone. This problem is often referred to as the phenomenon of the “tip of the iceberg” [ 18 ], where only a fraction of CSA situations are visible and a much higher proportion remain undetected. Disclosure is a delicate and sensitive process that is influenced by several factors, including implicit or explicit pressure for secrecy, feelings of responsibility or blame, feelings of shame or embarrassment, or fear of negative consequences [ 2 , 19 , 20 ]. Ethnic and religious cultures may also influence the way by which the process of disclosure is experienced and can act as either facilitators or barriers to the telling and reporting of CSA [ 21 ], which may explain variations of CSA rates across geographical areas [ 17 ]. Moreover, mandatory reporting regulations that have been adopted over the past decades in several countries, which imply that professionals are obliged to bring their suspicions of CSA to the attention of the authorities, can also impact the official counts of CSA in different countries [ 22 ]. In jurisdictions that have chosen not to enact mandatory reporting, including New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and Germany, a large discrepancy between adult self-reports of CSA and official data is to be expected as more cases may not be divulged to the authorities than in countries where reporting is mandatory. Second, based upon the initial disclosure or reporting, cases are screened in or out for further investigation by child protection workers or the police. Not all sexual abuse cases are considered to fall under the jurisdiction of child protection services, such as those that were assessed to involve no imminent risk to the child with regards to his/her security and development. For instance, cases where the alleged perpetrator is not the child’s caregiver may be less likely to be retained for investigation as it may not be under child welfare responsibilities to investigate these cases [ 23 ]. Finally, in light of evidence gathered in the course of the investigation process, cases are deemed substantiated or not by child protection workers and the police. When the child’s testimony is deemed unreliable or when the proof is perceived as questionable, cases may be considered unfounded and will, as a result, not be counted towards official data. Indeed, there is some evidence that police are less likely to charge sexual offenses than any other type of violent crime [ 24 ]. Other factors, such as the victim’s gender, may also influence substantiation decisions as demonstrated in a recent American study that showed, using the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being, that workers were less likely to substantiate cases involving male victims [ 25 ]. As improper interviewing techniques may hamper the capacity of victims to report accurately the abusive experience they were subjected to, promoting and sustaining best-practice interviewer techniques, notably among police officers, should be prioritized [ 26 ]. Considering the impact that all these different layers of influence have on cutting down the number of CSA cases that are known to and substantiated by the authorities, victims identified in official-report inquiries are therefore believed to represent only a small fraction of the true occurrence. For all these reasons, relying on official-reports to determine the magnitude of CSA is a method that carries a constant error of underestimation. In other words, children that are identified are only those that were able to disclose, were believed, reported to, and followed up by proper authorities, and those cases that presented enough evidence to be substantiated as CSA.

In terms of risk factors, being female is considered a major risk factor for CSA as girls are about two times more likely to be victims than males [ 16 , 17 ]. Several authors do, however, point out that there is a strong likelihood that boys are more frequently abused than the ratio of reported cases would suggest given their probable reluctance to report the abuse [ 27 ]. A recent Canadian population-based study confirmed this assumption by showing that among CSA survivors, 16% of female victims had never disclosed the abuse, whereas this proportion rose to 30% for male victims [ 28 ]. With respect to age, children who are most vulnerable to CSA are in the school-aged and adolescent stages of development, though about a quarter of CSA survivors report they were first abused before the age of 6 [ 3 ]. In addition, girls are considered to be at high risk for CSA starting at an earlier age and lasting longer, while boys’ victimisation peaks later and for a briefer period of time. The presence of disability is also considered a risk factor for CSA and other forms of maltreatment as the impairments may heighten the vulnerability of the child [ 29 ]. Aside, the absence of one or both parents or the presence of a stepfather, parental conflicts, family adversity, substance abuse and social isolation have also been linked to a higher risk for CSA [ 30 ]. In terms of the presupposed impact of socioeconomic status and ethnic background, the existing literature has many weaknesses and obvious contradictions. Overall, while low family or neighborhood socioeconomic status is a great risk factor for physical abuse and neglect [ 31 , 32 ], its impact on CSA is not as proven. On one hand, CSA could appear to occur more frequently among underprivileged families because of the disproportionate number of CSA cases reported to child protective services that come from lower socioeconomic classes [ 3 ]. In that vein, some populations of children have been overrepresented in research that focuses on vulnerable populations, such as Black American children from low socioeconomic status families, which may create an erroneous belief that race and ethnicity are risk factors for CSA [ 33 ]. On the other hand, some recent population-based studies are showing that, amongst other factors, living in poverty is a predictive factor for children to be subjected to both physical and sexual abusive experiences [ 34 , 35 ].

Mental health outcomes: what are the effects of CSA?

Several models have been developed in an attempt to explain the adverse negative impact of CSA [ 36 ]. Among the most established conceptual frameworks on the impact of CSA is the Four-Factor Traumagenics Model [ 37 ]. This model suggests that CSA alters a child’s cognitive and emotional orientation to the world and causes trauma by distorting their self-concept and affective capacities. This model underscores the issues of trust and intimacy that are particularly pronounced among victims of CSA. The unique nature of CSA as a form of maltreatment is highlighted by the four trauma-causing factors that victims may experience, which are traumatic sexualization, betrayal, powerlessness, and stigmatization. Traumatic sexualization refers to the sexuality of the victims that is shaped and distorted by the sexual abuse. Betrayal is the loss of trust in the perpetrator who shattered the relationship and in other adults who are perceived as not having protected the child from being abused in the first place, or having not supported her upon disclosure. Powerlessness is experienced through power issues at play in CSA, where victims are unable to alter the situation despite feeling the threat of harm and the violation of their personal space. Stigmatization is the incorporation of perceptions, reinforced by the perpetrator’s manipulative discourse or by dominant social negative attitudes towards victims, of being bad or deserving and responsible for the abuse.

Several reviews and meta-analyses published in the 90s and early years of 2000 suggested that a wide range of psychological and behavioral disturbances were associated with the experience of CSA, which led experts in the field to conclude that CSA was a substantial risk factor in the development of a host of negative consequences in both childhood, adolescence and adulthood [ 38 – 41 ]. More recently, systematic reviews have confirmed that, given the vast array of etiological factors that interact in predicting mental health outcomes, CSA is considered a significant, though general and nonspecific, risk factor for psychopathology in children and adolescents [ 42 – 44 ].

Among the wealth of psychopathologies that have been studied among CSA victims, post-traumatic stress and dissociation symptoms have received great attention. Overall, victims have been shown to present significantly more of these symptoms than non-abused children, or than victims of other forms of trauma. In one of our studies that compared 67 sexually abused school-aged girls with a matched group, CSA was found to significantly increase the odds of presenting with a clinical level of dissociation and PTSD symptoms, respectively, by eightfold and fourfold [ 45 ]. These results have echoed previous research conducted among cohorts of sexually abused school-aged children and teenagers where about a third to a half of all victims showed clinical levels of post-traumatic stress symptoms [ 46 – 50 ]. Only a few studies have been conducted with younger cohorts of children, yet high levels of dissociation were documented among sexually abused preschoolers [ 51 , 52 ]. In that vein, results from one of our recent inquiries revealed higher frequencies of dissociative symptoms among a group of 76 sexually abused children aged 4 to 6 than children of the comparison group [ 53 ]. These symptoms were found to persist over a period of a year following disclosure [ 54 ]. In contrast to children who have experienced other forms of trauma, it was also found that CSA victims are more likely to present post-traumatic stress symptoms [ 55 ]. Using a prospective method in which sexually abused children were followed over 36 months, Maikovich, Koenen, and Jaffe [ 25 ] demonstrated that boys were as likely as girls to exhibit post-traumatic stress symptoms.

Aside from post-traumatic stress and dissociation symptoms, a significant number of other mental health and behavioral disturbances have been linked to CSA. High levels of mood disorders, such as major depressive episodes, are found in cohorts of children and teenagers who have been sexually abused [ 56 , 57 ]. Sexually abused children are more likely than their non-abused counterparts to present behavior problems, such as inappropriate sexualized behaviors [ 58 ]. In the teenage years, they are found to more often exhibit conduct problems [ 59 ] and engage in at-risk sexual behaviors [ 60 , 61 ]. Victims are more prone to abusing substances, to engaging in self-harm behaviors, and to attempting or committing suicide [ 62 – 65 ]. Adolescents sexually abused in childhood are five times more likely to report non-clinical psychotic experiences such as delusions and hallucinations than their non-abused counterparts [ 66 ].

The mental health outcomes of CSA victims are likely to continue into adulthood as the link of CSA to lifetime psychopathology has been demonstrated [ 67 – 72 ]. Even more worrisome is the fact that CSA victims are more at risk than non-CSA youth to experience violence in their early romantic relationships [ 73 , 74 ] and that they are 2–5 times more at risk of being sexually revictimized in adulthood than women not sexually abused in childhood [ 75 – 77 ]. In adulthood, CSA survivors are more likely to experience difficulties in their psychosexual functioning [ 78 , 79 ]. A 23-year longitudinal study of the impact of intrafamilial sexual abuse on female development confirmed the deleterious impact of CSA across stages of life, including all of the mental health issues mentioned above, but also hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal attenuation in victims, as well as asymmetrical stress responses, high rates of obesity, and healthcare utilization [ 80 ]. The impact of CSA as a predictor of major illnesses is garnering increasing attention, including gastrointestinal disorders, gynecologic or reproductive health problems, pain, cardiopulmonary symptoms, and diabetes [ 81 – 83 ]. In all cases, early assessment and intervention to offset the exacerbation and continuation of negative outcomes is highlighted, according to several studies [ 84 ], as symptoms can develop at a later age [ 3 ] or may not be apparent at first [ 85 ].

Indeed, despite overwhelming evidence of deleterious outcomes of CSA, it is commonly agreed that the impact of CSA is highly variable and that a significant portion of victims do not exhibit clinical levels of symptoms [ 86 ]. Some authors have suggested that about a third of victims may not manifest any clinical symptoms at the time the abuse is disclosed [ 87 ]. This can be explained, in part, by the extremely diverse characteristics of CSA which lead to a wide range of potential outcomes [ 86 ]. Other common reasons thought to account for asymptomatic survivors of sexual abuse include: (1) insufficient severity of abuse, (2) the fact that symptoms may not be detected by practitioners, (3) development of avoidant coping styles that mask victims’ distress, (4) or that asymptomatic survivors may be more resilient than the survivors who show symptoms [ 88 ]. Related to this latter explanation, among an array of variables potentially influencing the resilience capacities of CSA victims, children who receive support from their non-offending parents [ 89 ] and those who have not experienced prior abuse [ 90 ] seem to fare better in spite of the sexual abuse adversity. Among other personal and relational factors that promote resilience in victims are: less reliance on avoidant coping strategies to deal with the traumatic event [ 91 – 93 ], higher emotional self-control [ 94 ], interpersonal trust and feelings of empowerment [ 85 ], less personal attributions of blame and of stigmatization [ 95 , 96 ], and high family functioning and secure attachment relationships [ 97 , 98 ]. This scholarship points to the importance of using a broad ecological framework when researching and intervening on the factors that promote resilience in victims of CSA [ 88 ].

Three promising lines of research have recently emerged that shed new light on the relationships between CSA and psychopathology. First, results from the growing field of polyvictimization, which is the study of the impact of multiple types of victimization (from peers, family, crime, community violence, physical assaults, and sexual assaults), call for a de-compartmentalization of violence research by pointing out that cumulative experiences of victimizations are more detrimental to the child’s well-being than are any single experiences, including those of a sexual nature [ 99 ]. This suggests that measuring the impact of all forms of victimization alongside CSA is warranted in order to fully capture the influence of violence and abuse on the development of children and youth mental health outcomes. Second, recognizing the great diversity of symptom presentations in sexually abused cohorts, several scholars have attempted to identify the different profiles or sub-categories of victims. For example, Trickett and colleagues [ 100 ] found distinct profiles in their sample of girls sexually abused by family members, including victims of multiple perpetrators, characterized by significantly higher levels of dissociation, and victims of father-daughter incest who presented higher levels of disturbances across domains, including internalized (e.g. depression) and externalized (e.g. delinquency) behaviors. Hébert and colleagues [ 101 ] further contributed to this scholarship by identifying four different profiles among a sample of sexually abused children: (1) the chronically abused children displaying anxiety symptoms, (2) the severely abused children presenting a host of both internalized and externalized problems, (3) the less severely abused children displaying fewer symptoms, (4) and the less severely impaired children despite severe experiences of CSA, which the authors referred to as the resilient group. As a whole, these studies call for a better tailoring of the services offered to sexually abused children, so that services can well match the mental health needs of victims [ 102 ]. Third, drawing from epigenetics [ 103 ], cutting-edge inquiries are developing in CSA research on the interaction of CSA with other environmental factors and with genetic factors to predict mental health and behavioral outcomes, for example, violent behavior [ 104 ], or suicidal gesture [ 105 ]. These inquiries confirm the relevance of studying the psychobiology of child maltreatment [ 106 ] as a promising route to better our understanding of the unique contribution of CSA to mental health disturbances, relative to other factors, as well as of the complex nature of the interactions at play. This knowledge could eventually benefit the elaboration of effective intervention programs.

Preventive strategies: how can we prevent CSA from happening in the first place?

In light of the high prevalence of CSA and the wealth of deleterious outcomes associated with this abusive experience, it stands to reason that research attention must turn toward preventing CSA. Two widespread forms of sexual assault prevention efforts have been extensively studied and disseminated, namely, offender “management” and educational programs delivered, for the most part, in school settings. Offender management is the approach that aims to control known offenders, for example, registries, background employment checks, longer prison sentences and various intervention programs. It is a tertiary prevention initiative that acts mostly in the individual sphere and, as such, presents certain inherent limitations in regards to preventing CSA from happening in the first place [ 107 ]. Indeed, although the public generally approves of so-called punitive legal practices, such as longer sentences, they are based on a misconception of sexual abusers as pedophiles, “guileful strangers” who prey on children in public places, when in actual fact the child sex offender population is more varied, includes individuals known to the victim and is comprised of juveniles in almost a third of cases [ 107 ].

The second most frequent approach, primary prevention, involves universal educational programs generally delivered in schools and aimed at potential victims. In the majority of cases, these universal programs also intervene in the individual preventive sphere and more infrequently in the family or societal sphere. Regarding children attending elementary school, meta-analyses by Zwi and colleagues [ 108 ], covering 15 studies, and by Davis and Gydicz [ 109 ], covering 27 studies, revealed that programs are effective at building children’s knowledge about sexual abuse and their preventive skills. The second of those two meta-analyses further demonstrated that programs are more effective if they are longer in duration (four sessions or more), if they repeat important concepts, if they provide children with multiple opportunities to actively practice the taught notions and skills, and if they are based on concrete concepts (what is forbidden) rather than abstract notions (rights or feelings). Some programs have proven effective for building knowledge and skills among children in an average socio-economic environment [ 110 ], but presented mitigated results in a multi-ethnic and underprivileged urban environment, indicating that the program may need to be adapted in order to optimize its effects with specific clientele [ 111 ]. As per adolescents or young adults attending high school or college, a meta-analysis of 69 studies involving close to 20,000 participants revealed that programs are effective for improving participants’ knowledge and attitudes [ 112 ]. However, changes in terms of behaviours or intentions to act were too low to be clinically significant. Also, factors related to the clientele, the facilitator, the setting and the format of the program have all been shown to impact the effectiveness of sexual violence prevention programs in college or university settings [ 113 ]. For some of the above programs, data are available to suggest that they are associated with a reduction of the incidence of child sexual assault [ 114 ] and sexual victimization in teenage romantic relationships [ 115 ]. However, too few studies are available to draw a firm conclusion as to the efficacy of prevention efforts, introduced since the 1970s, to reduce the true incidence of CSA observed by authorities in some countries, most notably the US [ 116 – 119 ].

The advantages of the universal approach are numerous: these programs can be offered at low cost, they are fairly easy to implement widely, and they allow to reach a maximum number of children while avoiding the stigmatization of a particular population. Yet, this approach has also been criticized since it places the responsibility of prevention in the hands of children. Consequently, this approach should not be considered as the only answer to a social problem as complex as CSA. A multi-factorial approach may indeed constitute a more promising solution to solve the problem of sexual abuse. A multi-factorial conceptualization of sexual assault suggests that only the development of global preventive approaches, targeting personal, family as well as societal norms that influence the risk of assault, may substantially reduce incidence and prevalence rates [ 119 , 120 ]. Those actions may take a variety of forms, such as awareness campaigns, efforts to provide the proper training to all persons who may work with children and adolescents, including sexual abuse and trauma themes in academic programs of future practitioners, or even the development of up to date and comprehensive kits to help the media provide information free of sexism, prejudices and sensationalism when reporting on sexual assault cases. In addition, parents’ participation is a fundamental element for a successful prevention initiative as this may increase the acquisition of preventive abilities in children [ 110 ], thus, future endeavors will need to tackle the challenges to foster a greater participation of parents. While most prevention initiatives have favoured a universal approach, targeting at-risk groups may also ensure optimal efficacy of prevention efforts. Integrating new technologies and using social medias (web site, applications for cell phones, online interactive games) may be particularly relevant for prevention efforts targeting teenagers. If such approaches were implemented and coordinated on a broad scale, they may have a greater impact on the number of sexual assault victims.

The sexual abuse of children is a form of maltreatment that provokes reactions of indignation and incomprehensibility in all cultures. Yet, CSA is, unfortunately, a widespread problem that affects more than 1 out of 5 women and one out of 10 men worldwide. This alarming rate clearly calls for extensive and powerful policy and practice efforts. While the effects of CSA may not always be initially visible, survivors of CSA still carry the threat to their well-being. The traumatic experience of CSA is one major risk factor in the development of mental health problems affecting both the current and future well-being of victims. Considering that many victims continue to be undetected, the roots of these mental health problems may also be unrecognized. In an effort to provide effective services to all victims, we should prioritize the development of strategies to address the barriers to disclosure and reporting. Although the taboo of CSA might not be as prominent as a few decades ago when CSA was rarely spoken of, veiled issues may still prevent victims from reaching out to authorities to reveal the abuse they suffer. To effectively prevent CSA, global preventive approaches, targeting personal, family and societal conditions, need to be explored and validated so to protect the next generations of children and youth from sexual victimization.

Author’s information

Prof. Dr. Delphine Collin-Vézina is the Tier II Canada Research Chair in Child Welfare. She is a clinical psychologist by profession and a researcher in the area of child sexual abuse. She is an Associate Professor at the McGill University School of Social Work (Canada). Her proposed research program aims at promoting societal recognition of sexual abuse, and at implementing and evaluating promising practices to help victims of abuse heal from their trauma.

Prof. Dr. Isabelle Daigneault is a clinical psychologist and an Associate Professor in the Department of Psychology at the Université de Montréal (Canada). She has a particular interest in the areas of resilience and mental health of young sexual assault victims, as well as in the processes influencing the life trajectories of young victims. Her projects also relate to the efficacy of treatments offered to victims and sexual assault prevention programs.

Prof. Dr. Martine Hébert has training in child development and child clinical psychology. She is Full Professor at the Department of Sexology at the Université du Québec à Montréal (Canada) and director of the Research Team on interpersonal trauma. Her research interests focus on the diversity of profiles in sexually abused victims and factors related to resilience trajectories. Current projects also center on the evaluation of prevention and intervention programs.

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Collin-Vézina, D., Daigneault, I. & Hébert, M. Lessons learned from child sexual abuse research: prevalence, outcomes, and preventive strategies. Child Adolesc Psychiatry Ment Health 7 , 22 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1186/1753-2000-7-22

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MINI REVIEW article

Childhood sexual abuse, sexual behavior, and revictimization in adolescence and youth: a mini review.

• Department of Psychology and Sociology, University of Zaragoza, Teruel, Spain

Childhood sexual abuse (CSA) is considered as an activity aimed at providing sexual pleasure, stimulation, or sexual gratification to an adult who uses a minor for this purpose, taking advantage of the situation of superiority. CSA can have devastating consequences for the child. Previous studies have concluded that those who suffer an episode of CSA perform more risky sexual behaviors and are more likely to experience further episodes of sexual victimization during adolescence and early youth. There are two theoretical contributions that, although they offer partial views, can help to understand the association between CSA, sexual behavior, and revictimization in adulthood: the traumagenic dynamics model and the information-motivation-behavioral skills model. This short review provides an overview of the problems and theoretical explanations that have been presented up to the present, underlining the importance of prevention and sex education as of childhood, as well as the need to continue investigating in order to develop specific theoretical models that help to understand and prevent CSA and its consequences.

Introduction

The objective of this short review is to offer a brief overview of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and its consequences in the field of sexuality, paying special attention to the performance of risky sexual behaviors and sexual revictimization in adolescence and early youth. In addition, two theoretical explanations that address—albeit partially—the relationship between CSA, risky sexual behavior, and sexual revictimization are highlighted. That is the structure that is followed in the text. Finally, conclusions are drawn, underscoring the need to continue investigating this phenomenon, developing specific theoretical models and designing and implementing prevention programs for CSA.

Child Sexual Abuse

In many cases, child sexual abuse has devastating consequences for the lives of those who suffer it, as it involves the destructuring of the child’s behavior and emotions and, sometimes, serious interference in his or her development ( Clayton et al., 2018 ). CSA is considered a serious health and social problem in every country in the world. It can be defined as the activity in which an adult, taking advantage of his or her superiority, uses a minor to provide sexual pleasure, stimulation, or sexual gratification ( Sánchez-Meca et al., 2011 ). CSA may occur through physical contact (e.g., touching, vaginal, oral, or anal sex, both perpetrated and suggested), or by viewing pornography, adult exhibition, or requests for sexual favors ( Finkelhor, 1979 ).

Reviews carried out in recent years on the subject report prevalence rates ranging from 5 to 18% of minors, depending on the geographical and cultural context in which the studies are conducted ( Senn et al., 2017 ; Clayton et al., 2018 ; Gray and Rarick, 2018 ). Because of the magnitude of these rates, some authors claim that CSA is a public health problem that is far from being solved ( Gray and Rarick, 2018 ).

As for the abusers, in about 85% of cases, they are male and their age is usually between 30 and 40 years ( Pereda et al., 2016 ; Clayton et al., 2018 ; Gray and Rarick, 2018 ). Abusers, especially in the case of girls, usually belong to the child’s closest environment, and are people she loves ( Pereda et al., 2016 ). The places where episodes of abuse occur are often the most frequented by the children, such as their homes, schools, or leisure centers. Unlike other types of abuse, in CSA, the economic level, either of the abuser or of the victim, has no influence ( Senn et al., 2012 ). With regard to the victims, Senn et al. (2017) state that the maximum risk age range is between 6 and 12 years, and that girls are more than three times as likely as boys to be abused. However, it is noted that, due to aspects related to masculinity and fear of being labeled and stigmatized, boys often do not admit having been abused, so the proportion of abused boys could be higher ( Homma et al., 2012 ; Pereda et al., 2016 ).

For several decades, some, studies have reported that about one-third of male abusers may have been a victim in their childhood ( Finkelhor, 1979 ; Senn et al., 2012 ). Therefore, although it cannot be stated that there is intergenerational transmission of abuse, because the majority of victims are female and they do not subsequently become abusers, it is relatively common for abusers to have witnessed or suffered abuse during their childhood ( Clayton et al., 2018 ).

The Consequences of Child Sexual Abuse

Having suffered some episode of CSA has been linked to poorer psychological functioning ( Senn et al., 2008 ; Homma et al., 2012 ), aggressive behavior, interpersonal problems, educational difficulties, or increased use of alcohol and other drugs ( Clark et al., 2007 ). CSA is a violation of the child’s privacy, which can lead to distrust of others. Therefore, one of the main areas of study and intervention in the consequences of CSA is that of interpersonal relationships and sexuality. In the victims of CSA, incongruous, and even contradictory behaviors are observed in the area of sexuality: either they avoid relating to others for fear of possible revictimization ( Homma et al., 2012 ) or the opposite occurs—they suffer alterations in sexuality that lead to the performance of risky sexual behaviors ( Senn et al., 2008 ).

Risky Sexual Behaviors

CSA has been associated with the performance of risky sexual behaviors in adolescence and youth ( Senn et al., 2008 ). Adolescence is a critical period, in which sexual activity begins and sexual behavior is subject to a multitude of influences (e.g., friends, media, pornography) that can promote a decrease in the control of the situation and increased vulnerability ( Spanish Foundation for AIDS Research and Prevention, 2003 ). Some characteristic aspects of sexuality during adolescence may include low risk perception ( Castro and Santos-Iglesias, 2016 ), alcohol and other drug use, lack of planning of sexual intercourse, the romantic ideals characteristic of this stage ( Jones and Furman, 2011 ), scarce eroticization of condom use ( DiClemente et al., 2004 ), or poor skills to negotiate condom use and perform safe sexual behaviors ( Santos-Iglesias and Sierra, 2012 ).

Vulnerability is even greater if, to these obstacles to engage in protective sexual behavior that exist during adolescence, is added the fact that the adolescent has been a victim of CSA. Some research concludes that people who have suffered an episode of CSA present earlier initiation of consensual sex with penetration ( Thornton and Veenema, 2015 ; Gray and Rarick, 2018 ), more sexual partners ( Senn et al., 2012 , 2017 ; Walsh et al., 2013 ), more inconsistent condom use ( Senn et al., 2012 , 2017 ), or increased drug use in sexual relationships ( Thornton and Veenema, 2015 ). All these behaviors imply greater vulnerability to sexually transmitted infections (STI; Homma et al., 2012 ; Senn et al., 2012 ) and are usually variables that also predispose one to suffer new episodes of sexual victimization ( Bermúdez et al., 2010 ).

Sexual Revictimization

Suffering further episodes of sexual victimization during adolescence and early youth is common among victims of CSA. Authors such as Walker et al. (2017) concluded in their meta-analysis that the prevalence of revictimization reached almost 50% of the cases. Some studies have reported that female victims of CSA are three to five times more likely to suffer further sexual assault than those who have not suffered CSA ( Pereda et al., 2016 ; Godbout et al., 2019 ).

Some variables have been proposed in the existing literature to explain the CSA-sexual assaults relationship in adulthood ( Walker et al., 2017 ). For example, Santos-Iglesias and Sierra (2012) suggest that this relationship is mediated by three variables: sexual experience, sexual assertiveness, and substance use before intercourse. In terms of sexual experience, it has been established that women who suffered CSA have a larger number of partners, which increases the risk of revictimization due to a probabilistic issue: the more partners, the more likely they are to be aggressive ( Arata, 2000 ).

Regarding sexual assertiveness, authors like Livingston et al. (2007) claim that minors suffering CSA are socialized in a victim role, which makes them less capable of being assertive to reject others’ sexual advances, which influences a possible revictimization. Substance consumption may also mediate this relationship, as these authors have indicated that CSA is a risk factor for increased consumption and this, in turn, is a risk factor for revictimization.

Theoretical Models: Traumatogenic Dynamics and Information-Motivation-Behavioral Skills

The relationship between having suffered an episode of CSA and the subsequent performance of risky sexual behaviors and suffering new cases of victimization is well established in the extant literature. However, there is little empirical research on how this relationship occurs ( Senn et al., 2012 ), and there are no specific theoretical models to explain it. There are two theoretical contributions that, although understudied so far and providing partial views, may help to understand the relationship between CSA, risky sexual behavior, and revictimization in adulthood. The traumagenic dynamics model (TD; Finkelhor and Browne, 1985 ) focuses on CSA and its consequences in the field of sexuality. For its part, the information-motivation-behavioral skills model (IMB; Fisher and Fisher, 1992 ) focuses on the performance of risky sexual behaviors.

Traumatogenic Dynamics Model

According to this model, CSA can have four negative consequences. First, a traumatic sexualization ( Matorin and Lynn, 1998 ), through which incorrect sexual behavior scripts are developed because negative sexual patterns are rewarded. This may motivate individuals who were sexually abused to have a large number of sexual partners, to wish to engage in risky behaviors, or to have sex in exchange for material rewards ( Senn et al., 2012 ; Walsh et al., 2013 ). Second, a sense of betrayal ( DiLillo and Long, 1999 ), as the child feels deceived by the abuser or by the reactions of others upon finding out about the abuse. This may be related to the difficulty of trusting others, which, in turn, may influence rejecting stable relationships in favor of multiple and sporadic relationships, with their entailed risk both of performing risky sexual behaviors and possible episodes of sexual victimization ( Senn et al., 2008 , 2017 ).

The third element of the model is stigmatization, as the individual feels sexually different, in addition to feeling shame and guilt ( Feiring et al., 2001 ). These feelings can motivate abused people to internalize their role and have multiple partners, as well as to carry out risky behaviors ( Senn et al., 2008 ). Fourth and last, Finkelhor and Browne (1985) refer to the loss of power in their relationships, as they feel that they cannot control their sexual interactions and are incapable of rejecting sex or risky relationships ( Gwandure, 2007 ).

There is evidence that CSA is related to the constructs of the traumatogenic dynamics model ( Senn et al., 2012 ). In addition, the four constructs of the model have been associated with poorer psychological functioning. Higher traumatic sexualization was associated with more anxiety and sexual avoidance and with lower sexual self-esteem ( Hazzard, 1993 ; Matorin and Lynn, 1998 ); increased feeling of betrayal was associated with more interpersonal problems ( Hazzard, 1993 ); and more stigmatization and powerlessness have been linked to less sexual self-esteem and more distress and depression ( Hazzard, 1993 ). Thus, the TD model is shown to provide an explanation of the consequences of CSA, both psychological and sexual, which can influence the increased performance of risky sexual behaviors and sexual revictimization in adolescence and youth ( Walsh et al., 2013 ).

Model of Information-Motivation and Behavioral Skills

Fisher and Fisher (1992) developed this theoretical model to explain sexual behavior based on three elements, which can serve to explain the relationship between CSA and the performance of risky sexual behaviors. They suggest that information (on the transmission, prevention, and consequences of STI), motivation (to protect oneself, about safe sex), and behavioral skills (to discuss safe sex with a partner and to use condoms) influence sexual behavior, as several studies have shown ( Johnson et al., 2006 ; Fisher et al., 2014 ; Jones et al., 2018 ; Ybarra et al., 2018 ).

CSA can influence the level of information, motivation, and behavioral skills for safe sex through several mechanisms. In fact, suffering CSA has been linked to less knowledge about STI, fewer favorable attitudes toward safe sex, and fewer behavioral skills and lower self-efficacy ( Hall et al., 2008 ).

Zurbriggen and Freyd (2004) argue that CSA may cause dissociative tendencies, which could interfere with the coding and processing of sexuality-related information. Thus, people who were sexually abused during childhood may have difficulty processing or remembering information about sex, which can lead to gaps in their knowledge about prevention and about risky behaviors.

Similarly, CSA can lead to difficulties in distinguishing fantasy from reality, because many abusers lie or distort reality. Being motivated to have safe sexual practices may require understanding that one is at risk of an STI; if individuals are not capable of objectively assessing the reality of sexual situations, they will not believe that they are vulnerable. Thus, the low or lack of perception of risk can lead to a low or lack of motivation to practice safe sex ( Zurbriggen and Freyd, 2004 ). Finally, individuals who were sexually abused as children may have learned that they cannot control what happens to them, which can lead to low self-efficacy and few skills to negotiate safe sex ( Zurbriggen and Freyd, 2004 ).

Conclusions

CSA currently remains a serious public health problem in all countries worldwide, as prevalence data confirm. Therefore, the objective of this short review was to present a summary of its definition, characteristics, consequences in the area of sexuality and of the theoretical approaches that attempt to explain—albeit partially—the relationship between CSA and the performance of risky sexual behaviors and sexual revictimization in adolescence and youth.

As in most studies that focus on the sexuality of children, adolescents, and young people, we must demand more and better education in this area, from an early age and without taboos ( Castro and Santos-Iglesias, 2016 ). The lack of information and normalization of these topics in the habitual conversations between minors and adults, coupled with the low and/or poor sexual education provided in schools, places children in a situation of ignorance and vulnerability for the prevention and recognition of risky situations, such as CSA ( Senn et al., 2008 ).

The focus should therefore be on the importance of prevention and promotion of sexual health, teaching from early ages how to identify possible situations or intentions of abuse, educating in gender equality, and promoting healthy sexuality ( Castro and Santos-Iglesias, 2016 ). This is the main way to try to reduce this problem, starting with the basics.

From a scientific viewpoint, it is necessary to continue research on the subject, not only empirically, but also creating specific theoretical models that can explain the effects of CSA and how it influences the victims’ sexuality ( Senn et al., 2008 ). Although they may serve to explain certain aspects of this relationship, in this review, we have seen how the proposed theoretical models only provide partial views ( Senn et al., 2012 ). Hence, there is a long way to go, but the severity of the topic and the terrible consequences that CSA usually has on children’s lives make up for the efforts required.

Author Contributions

JI, BM, and JE did bibliographic search and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. ÁC and JB contributed to the conception and design of the study, reviewed the first draft of the manuscript, and wrote the final version of the manuscript. All authors contributed to manuscript review, read and approved the submitted version.

This study was funded by Government of Aragón (Group S31_17D), Department of Innovation, Research and University, and FEDER 2014–2020, “Building Europe from Aragón.”

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Keywords: childhood sexual abuse, sexual risk behaviors, revictimization, adolescents and young adults, traumagenic dynamics model, information-motivation-behavioral skills model

Citation: Castro Á, Ibáñez J, Maté B, Esteban J and Barrada JR (2019) Childhood Sexual Abuse, Sexual Behavior, and Revictimization in Adolescence and Youth: A Mini Review. Front. Psychol . 10:2018. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02018

Received: 01 July 2019; Accepted: 19 August 2019; Published: 30 August 2019.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2019 Castro, Ibáñez, Maté, Esteban and Barrada. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Ángel Castro, [email protected]

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• Published: 03 January 2023

Implications of the POCSO Act and determinants of child sexual abuse in India: insights at the state level

• Shrabanti Maity   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5791-3140 1 &
• Pronobesh Ranjan Chakraborty 2  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  10 , Article number:  6 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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Child sexual abuse is a worldwide phenomenon, and India is not an exception. The magnitude of this grave crime is underrated because of under-reporting. The reality is that the incidence of child sexual abuse has reached epidemic proportions in India. In 2021 only there were 53,874 cases registered under Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act of 2012. To enable the all-around protection of children, the Indian government administrated the “Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO)” Act of 2012. The act is a comprehensive piece of legislation designed to protect children from crimes including sexual assault, sexual harassment, and pornography. The degree to which this act has improved child protection is therefore an important issue for interrogation. Here, we consider the implications of the POCSO Act (2012) in enhancing children’s protection from sexual abuse and pin-point the role of quality of life together with other social, economic, and demographic determinants in foreshortening POCSO incidences. The empirical analysis of the paper is conducted based on secondary data compiled from National Crime Records Bureau. Our empirical results reveal that the POCSO Act has reduced the Growth rate of incidents of sexual offences against children in India from 4.681% to −4.611. Moreover, our empirical results also reveal that by enhancing the quality of life it is possible to restrict the POCSO incidences across Indian states. In addition, favourable sex-ratio, the increased gross enrolment ratio at the elementary level, the improvement in the judiciary and Public Safety Score of the state also enables the state to restrict the POCSO incidences. Based on our empirical result we recommend that future policies could include, for instance, aiming to improve the quality of life as well as the law and order conditions of the state, and increasing the enrolment of the girl children in higher education.

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Introduction.

Around the globe, millions of children irrespective of gender face exploitation and sexual abuse every year. According to UNICEF ( 2022 ), “ About 1 in 10 girls under the age of 20 have been forced to engage in sex or perform other sexual acts ”. In 90% of cases, the accused is known to the victim (UNICEF, 2022 ). Globally, the highest prevalence of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) is observed in Africa and the corresponding figure is 34.4% (Wihbey, 2011 ; Behere and Mulmule, 2013 ). The reported CSA cases in Europe and America are 9.2% and 10.1%, respectively (Wihbey, 2011 ). The lowest figure may not reflect controlling such horrendous crime but rather may be the consequence of under-reporting (Wihbey, 2011 ). The lowest prevalence of CSA should not be ignored as its scar on the victim should never be ignored (Wihbey, 2011 ). The National Child Abuse and Neglect Data reported in 2006 in the U.S.A., 8.8% of children were victims of child sexual abuse (Miller et al., 2007 ). The reported sexual abuse cases recognised that in 60% of cases victims are within the age of 12 years (Collin-Vézina et al., 2013 ). Barth et al. ( 2013 ) reported every year globally 4% of girls and 2% of boys are victims of CSA and the consequences become extremely severe for about 15% of girls and 6% of boys. The prevalence of CSA in urban China is 4.2% (Chiu et al., 2013 ). The identification of actual global figures concerning CSA is a challenging task because of under-reporting of such crimes (Miller, et al., 2007 ).

India is the home of 472 million children (Chandramouli and General, 2011 ). Children constitute more than one-third of the Indian population (39%). In India, we celebrate “ Children’s Day ” on 14th November, the birthday of the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, who is popularly known as “ Chacha Nehru ”. He dreamt of making India a “ Children’s paradise ”. However, the reality is something else. On 17th November 2020, a 6-year-old girl was raped and then murdered brutally to perform black magic and the accused were arrested under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act (Kanpur (UP), November 17, The Tribune). On 26 th August 2020, a 17-year-old girl was found dead near her house in Uttar Pradesh’s Lakhimpur Kheri district (August 26, 2020, The Indian Express). Before that, another horrendous incident was reported in the same state for a forlorn 13-year-old Dalit girl. Because of the societal status, this case was less talked about. In India, “ child sexual abuse ” is an understated transgression. Only a handful of cases get media attention and the people of India sought justice. Most of the cases remain unexplored. The most talked about “ POCSO ” incident in India was the “ Kathua rape case ”. The case was about “Asifa Bano”, an 8-year-old girl from Rasana village near Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir, India, who was gang-raped and then killed in January 2018 Footnote 1 . By closing our eyes, we cannot deny the reality and the reality is that “ child sexual abuse ” in India has reached an epidemic proportion (Moirangthem, et al., 2015 ; Kshirsagar, 2020 ; Tamilarasi et al., 2020 ; Pallathadka et al., 2021 ; Maity, 2022 ). According to the “ National Crime Record Bureau ” in 2019 the highest “ rate of POCSO ” was reported for Sikkim (44.8%).In that list, Uttar Pradesh(8.6%) was ranked 16th among the twenty-eight Indian states (Crime in Indian, 2019 ). This simply evidences the under and/or un-reporting of “ child sexual abuse ” (Crime in Indian, 2021 ), the report shows that in 2021 only 36.5% of crimes against children are registered under POCSO Act (The Indian Express, September 23, 2022).

The Indian government has administrated the “Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO)” Act, 2012 (Ministry of Women and Child Development, 2013 ; https://wcd.nic.in ), a specified law, to ensure children’s protection from mal treatment. “ The Act has come into force with effect from 14 th November 2012 along with the rules framed there under. The POCSO Act, 2012 is a comprehensive law to provide for the protection of children from the offences of sexual assault, sexual harassment, and pornography while safeguarding the interests of the child at every stage of the judicial process by incorporating child-friendly mechanisms for reporting, recording of evidence, investigation and speedy trial of offences through designated Special Courts ” (Ministry of Women and Child Development, 2013 ; https://wcd.nic.in ). This act includes “Special Courts”, where the victim child is allowed to record his/her statement on camera in a child-friendly circumstance and simultaneously the child’s identity also remains un revealed. However, this special act is not infallible to protect children from sexual abuse. In 2019, 1510 rape cases in specific and 2091 reported POCSO cases, in general, were filed in Kerala (Kartik. The New Indian Express, 31/01/2020).In fact, in Kerala, children—both boys and girls, have had such horrid experiences at least once in life and the corresponding figure, in this case, are 36% and 35%, respectively (Krishnakumar et al., 2014 ; Moirangthem et al., 2015 ). However, it is not the exceptional one. Between January to June 2019, the total number of registered POCSO cases all over India was 24,212 (Ali, 2019 ).

Child sexual abuse is a global phenomena and a matter of concern for comprehensive existing literature. Researchers observe that CSA health professionals play a crucial role in the identification and protection of children (Fraser et al., 2010 ). Sometimes even a genuine allegation made by a child against a powerful person is reported casually based on the accuser’s disownment. Such reporting reduces the credibility of the incidence (Rubin & Thelen, 1996 ). Researchers also recognise that in most cases assailants are known to the victims (Haque et al., 2019 ; Maity, 2022 ). Concerning the Indian scenario we can say that 90% accused are known to the child (The Times of India, March 1, 2018 ; Maity, 2022 ). Economically weaker and vulnerable are always found to be the soft target for any crime, particularly in developing countries (Bower, 2003 ; Bywaters, et al., 2016 ; Sexton and Sobelson, 2018 ). In India, aged 40 and above, alcoholic, addicted to pornography, illiterate or minor literate, are the common characteristics of the accused of the POCSO Act (2012) (Chowdhuri & Mukhopadhayay, 2016 ).

On the contrary, quality of life indicates the well-being of a state or nation. The “Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI)” helps in quantify the qualitative aspect of life (Morris, 1978 ). The variables utilised for index calculation are well defined (for details see Table 9 in appendices) in Morris’s ( 1978 ) article. To avoid the limitations of GDP as a measure of well-being this measure was developed by Morris ( 1978 ). An improvement in PQLI is supposed to be transmitted to minimise the ethnocentricity of culture and development. Accordingly, a favourable PQLI may indicate an environment for equal opportunities for all, and equal safety for all. Thus, it will be interesting to explore the implication of PQLI in protecting children from sexual offences. Childhood experiences of sexual exploitation adversely affect adulthood’s psychological, physical, and socio-economic well-being and thus deteriorate the adult’s physical quality of life (Downing et al., 2021 ). Childhood experiences of sexual abuse may result in permanent scars on a child’s well-being and quality of life (Chahine, 2014 ). It is noteworthy that earlier studies were concentrated on exploring the consequences of CSA on the physical quality of life. However, the present study unlike the earlier involves in self exploring the consequences of the improvement of PQLI on CSA. It is not worthy that the relation between CSA and PQLI is rare in literature and almost absent in empirical studies where improvement of PQLI’s effect on CSA is explored.

This back drop motivates us to explore the research questions, viz., does the POCSO Act, 2012 has any implication in creating India as a children’s paradise? Simultaneously, we also want to explore, does amplification of the quality of life of Indian citizens and Judiciary and Public Safety Scores help in reducing POCSO incidences? These research questions when unfold, result in twin objectives. Initially, the study explores the aftermaths of the “ Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act ” (POCSO) (2012), on protecting children from sexual offences. Then the paper tries to unfold different socio-economic factors, including “ Quality of Life ” that helps in revamping children’s safety across Indian states. The novelty of the study is that it is the first attempt to explore the role of the POCSO Act (2012), on child sexual abuse. The earlier studies, such as Kshirsagar ( 2020 ), Tamilarasi et al. ( 2020 ), are non-empirical documentation of the POCSO Act (2012).The study by Pallathadka et al. ( 2021 ), is an experimental study investigating the effectiveness of the inclusion of the knowledge of the POCSO Act (2012).

In a teaching programme in reducing CSA the only empirical study we find is Maity ( 2022 ). However, this study mainly focuses on the efficacy of the enhancement of police efficiency in reducing POCSO incidences across Indian states. In this sense, it is the first attempt of such type. Moreover, this study also explores the implication of the improvement of quality of life and improvement of Judiciary and Public Safety (JPS) in the foreshortening of child sexual abuse. This study perhaps is the first attempt of such kind. The present study explores the role of PQLI and JPS scores in foreshortening the CSA and this establishes the novelty of the study. Thus, our contribution to the existing literature is this study tries to test empirically the inevitability of the act in foreshortening CSA in India. Beyond that, this study tries to explore with other factors the role of quality of life in reducing CSA in India.

The study follows the aforementioned sequence: Section “Methods” deals with the materials and methods required for exploring the above-mentioned objectives. Section “Results and Discussion” presents the empirical results with a discussion concerning the implication of POCSO on children’s protection and the identification of the influencing factors of recorded POCSO incidences. Finally, Section “Conclusion and policy implications” concludes and presents policy implications.

The theoretical foundation of the economics of crime is discussed in this section. In conjunction with that, the major data sources and the concerned variables are described in this section. The econometric models, which are utilised to investigate the said objectives are also presented in this section.

Conceptual framework

According to Becker ( 1968 ), criminals possess different attitudes concerning costs and benefits and this difference in viewpoint is the principal imputes for them to commit a crime. These attitudinal differences motivate a person to commit a crime despite the likelihood of being arrested by police, convicted and to be imprisoned by the legal system. In this regard, the “Economic Theory of Crime” is based on the assumption that a person will devote his/her time and other resources to commit a crime/offence if the person believes that his/her expected utility by committing the crime exceeds the expected utility from other activity utilising the same time and resources. The theory can be formulated mathematically by using vonNeumann and Morgenstern ( 2007 ), expected utility function.

Ehrlich ( 1996 ) defines that a person may decide to divide his/her total working time between criminal activities ( \(b_{{\mathrm{crime}}}\) ) under uncertain conditions and legitimate activities ( \(b_{{\mathrm{legal}}}\) ) under certain conditions. The income generated from devoting specific time to legal activities is denoted by \(W\left( {b_{{\mathrm{legal}}}} \right)\) . On the contrary, the income generated from devoting specific time to illegal activities is denoted by \(W\left( {b_{{\mathrm{crime}}}} \right)\) depending on the probability of being arrested p and not arrested ( 1–p ). If the person involves in both legal and illegal activities simultaneously and he/she has an initial wealth \(W_{{\mathrm{Initial}}}\) , then the income obtained from both legal and illegal activities and not being apprehended is given by:

On the contrary, if the person is convicted and arrested he/she has to pay a penalty \(Y_2\) depending on whether he/she is devoted to the criminal activities \(Z_{{\mathrm{crime}}}\left( {b_{{\mathrm{crime}}}} \right)\) . Under such circumstances the income generated is:

The objective of the individual is to maximise his/her expected utility by dividing his/her entire time into legal and illegal activities. Thus, the expected utility can be presented by the following equation:

To determine the optimal time to be devoted for criminal activities ( \(b_{{\mathrm{crime}}}\) ) we determine the first-order-condition as follows:

where \(w_{{\mathrm{legal}}} = \frac{{dW_{{\mathrm{legal}}}}}{{db_{{\mathrm{crime}}}}}\) , \(w_{{\mathrm{crime}}} = \frac{{dW_{{\mathrm{crime}}}}}{{db_{{\mathrm{crime}}}}}\) , \(z_{{\mathrm{crime}}} = \frac{{dZ_{{\mathrm{crime}}}}}{{db_{{\mathrm{crime}}}}}\) and \(U^\prime (Y_i) = \frac{{dU\left( {Y_i} \right)}}{{db_{{\mathrm{crime}}}}}\forall i = {\mathrm{crime}},{\mathrm{legal}}\)

We assume that the concerned person is a risk averter and thus the person copes with both legal and illegal activities simultaneously. This implies equilibrium is ensured by the condition \(U^\prime \left( {Y_1} \right) = U^\prime \left( {Y_2} \right)\) given that equal wealth is generated from legal and illegal activities, that is, \(Y_1 = Y_2\) . Therefore the necessary condition to devote time to illegal activities is given by the equation:

Díez-Ticio and Brande´s ( 2001 ), mentioned the propensity of criminality can only be reduced in society through a reduction in economic inequality. The economic paradigm discloses two types of incentives for crime, viz., positive and negative (Domínguez et al., 2015 ). The negative incentives will demoralise and prevent criminals to commit a crime. On the contrary, positive incentives will encourage delinquents to choose legitimate alternatives (Ehrlich, 1973 ; Domínguez et al., 2015 ).

Stationarity checking

The stochastic process must be stationary for the reliability and validity of the result. The prediction and policy prescription based on the non-stationary stochastic process is not reliable. The checking of “ stationarity ” of the time series variable is the primal concern for the time series analysis. This is particularly because stationarity of the time series variable ensures universality of the estimated result as well as applicability of the variable for prediction and policy prescription. Two non-parametric tests, viz., “ Augmented Dicky Fuller Test (ADF)” and “ Phillips Perron Test (PP)” are available for this purpose. However, we will conclude about “ stationarity ” of the stochastic process based on the “ Phillips-Perron (PP)” test. As the test is more robust for testing heteroscedasticity in error variance (Phillips and Perron, 1988 ) and has greater powers than the “Augmented Dickey and Fuller (ADF)” test (Banerjee et al., 1993 ). Moreover, the test is free from the specification of the lag length, which is mandatory in the case of the ADF technique (Debnath and Roy, 2012 ).

Test equations in two cases are presented below.

Augmented Dicky Fuller Test:

Phillips Perron Test:

In both cases the hypothesis to be tested is \(H_0:\delta = 0\) and the corresponding test statistic is

Structural break and growth rate

The implication of the “ Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act ” (POCSO) (2012), for revamping children’s security in India can only be explored by considering structural breaks together with analysing the growth of POCSO incidences. The study period for the empirical analysis is from 2001 to 2019. As the natures of crimes against children have changed over time we have included only those crime heads, which are common during the entire study period as well as in POCSO Act (2012). This practice enables us to ensure uniformity of the data and allows us to conduct time series analysis. The selection of the study period is guided by the availability of data. The study period is susceptible to various policy changes for the “ Protection of Women and Child Rights ”. The “Ministry of Women and Child Development” has been administrating various special laws focusing on women and child protection. It is noteworthy that India is a signatory to the “ United Nations Convention on Right of Child (UNCRC) ” since 1992. In adherence to its commitment to ensuring child rights, the Government of India has framed different national policies to protect child rights from time to time, viz., “The Commissions for Protection of Child Right (CPCR) Act, 2005”, “The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006”, “The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012”, “Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection) Act, 2015”. The Government of India has also framed the National Policy for Children, 2013 and the National Plan of Action, 2016 (Ministry of Women and Child Development, Press Information Bureau, 2019). Naturally one can expect to have structural breaks during this period. The existence of the structural break makes the normal time series analysis and growth rate calculation inapplicable. Consequently, the identification of the switching point is essential and an appropriate growth rate can only be obtained by calculating the same for different regimes as depicted by the switching points. The identification of the break or switching point should be facilitated by some statistical criterion, viz., “ Chow Test ” (Chow, 1960 ), “ CUSUM ” and “ CUSUMQ ” tests. As “ Chow Test ” is criticised for the arbitrariness problem, we have utilised the “CUSUMQ” test. Brown et al. ( 1975 ), introduces the CUSUM and CUSUMSQ tests for stability checking in parameter. Based on the scaled recursive residuals the break points are identified by the CUSUM and CUSUMSQ tests. The identification of the break points is also facilitated by the Chow ( 1960 ) tests. However, the greatest advantage of the CUSUM and CUSUMSQ tests is that these tests do not require prior knowledge of the point where the hypothesised structural switching points are expected to occur. The mathematical underpinning of the CUSUMQ test is as follows:

We consider a generalised linear regression model as

where x is a ( k  ×  1 ) vector with unit first element and ( k–1 ) are the observed value of the independent variables at time t . \(\beta _t\) is the ( k  ×  1 ) vectors of parameters. \(u_t\) is IID and \(u_t \sim N(0,\sigma ^2)\) . The recursive residuals are defined as:

where \(X_r = \left[ {x_1,x_2,....\,,x_r} \right]\) and \(y_r^\prime = \left[ {y_1,y_2,....\,,y_r} \right]\) and \(\hat \beta _{r - 1}\) is the vector of OLS estimates of the regression Eq. ( 9 )

The test statistic corresponding to CUSUMQ test is developed based on the recursive residuals are defined in (10). The corresponding test statistic is given as follows:

where \(\hat \sigma ^2 = \frac{{\mathop {\sum}\limits_{t = 1}^T {(y_t - x_t^\prime \hat \beta _r)^2} }}{{T - k}}\)

Under the null hypothesis that the parameters are constant, that is,

\(H_0:\beta _t = \beta\) with \(\sigma _t^2 = \sigma _t^2\) \(\forall t = 1,2,....\,,T\) Eq. ( 11 ) follows a distribution with parameters r   –   k and T   –   k . In the conventional CUSUMQ test we use symmetric error bands and the corresponding pairs of lines are given by \(\left[ { \pm critical\,value + \frac{{(r - k)}}{{(T - k)}}} \right]\) . The critical value is obtained from the Durbin ( 1969 ), table.

After the identification of the switching points, the growth rate will be calculated following the “ Poirier’s Spline function approach (Poirier & Garber, 1974 )”. Poirier’s Spline function approach (Poirier & Garber, 1974 ), helps us to determine the trend in the growth of the variable of interest in different regimes.

Assuming a linear time trend, the postulated model is presented as follows:

where, \(t_1\) is the switching point.

We next define following variables:

By reparameterisize we rewrite the function as follows:

For the i th (i  =  1, 2) regime the growth rate in percentages will be obtained by using the following formula:

where \(\beta _1 = \gamma _1\) and \(\beta _2 = \gamma _1 + \gamma _2\) . The Eq. ( 15 ) helps in computing the growth rate for different regimes. Based on the change in economic policy or structure we may obtain more than one structural break point and accordingly, the corresponding model for analysing the growth rate will be modified. The growth rate for the entire study period will be computed by utilising the following equations:

Regression analysis

One of the objectives of the study is to explore the implications of the improvement in the “ quality of life ” and “ Judiciary and Public Safety Score (JPSS) ” in revamping children’s safety and security. This objective is explored based on the cross-sectional information of bigger Indian states’ on a list of relevant variables, including “PQLI” as one of the regressors. Another interesting regressor is the JPSS , which is used to portray the law and order condition of a state. This score is calculated using a number of indicators that reflect a state’s law and order situation (for more information, see Table 1 ). The selection of the sample period and the Indian states is strictly guided by data availability. The list of the regressors along with their definitions and data sources are presented in Table 1 . It is noteworthy that the regresand here is the rate of recorded POCSO cases. We didn’t pursue panel regression here because of the non-availability and decadal nature of data. The specified regression equation is:

where, x is a ( 1XK ) vector of regressor and \(\beta = (\beta _1,\beta _2,.....\,,\beta _K)^\prime\) is a ( KX1 ) vector. To incorporate an intercept term we will simply assume that \(x_1 \equiv 1\) , as this assumption makes interpreting the conditions easier (Wooldridge, 2016 ). y is a scalar. The equation-(17) can be estimated by using OLS method. The OLS estimators will be Best Linear Unbiased Estimators (BLUE) iff all the “ Gauss-Markov ” assumptions are satisfied.

It is noteworthy that “ quality of life ” here is proxied by the “ Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI) ”. The index was developed based on Morris ( 1980 ) (see Tables 9 and 10 in the appendices for details). Thus, PQLI is calculated by using the following formula:

The regression analysis is conducted based on the latest available information of all concerned regressors as well as regressand (Bhaumik, 2015 ).

However, the regression analysis to explore the determining factors of POCSO incidences across Indian states will be meaningful if there is variation in the reported POCSO incidences. Thus, before conducting regression analysis, the appropriateness of such analysis is tested by performing non-parametric ANOVA.

The present study is entirely based on published secondary data. The major data sources are “ National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) ”, “ Census of India (2011) ”, “ Sample Registration System (SRS) ”, “ Central Statistics Office (CSO)” , “ Ministry of Human Resource Development ”, “ Department of Administrative Reforms and Public Grievances, Government of India ” and “ National Sample Survey Office (NSSO).” The crime statistics in the present paper have mainly been compiled from NCRB for different years. It is noteworthy that concerning the “Incidents of sexual offences against children”, we have considered statistics related to the crime heads, which are common in the entire study period. As such, we have considered only those statistics related to child sexual abuse that are included later in the POCSO Act (2012). We did not include all crimes committed against children in this paper. By summing some specific crime heads, we have calculated “Incidents of sexual offences against children” for this paper to ensure uniformity in the data to facilitate the time series analysis. On the contrary, the empirical analysis of the second objective is facilitated by various regressors, including a composite index, the “Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI”),” which is compiled from various published sources. The composite scores of “ Judiciary and Public Safety Score ( JPSS )” reflecting the law and order condition of any state are obtained from the “ Good Governance Index, Assessment of State of Governance 2020–21 ” report. The detailed descriptions of the variables together with their sources are presented in Table 1 .

The variables utilised for delineating the PQLI are narrated in Table 9 in the appendices. It is noteworthy that the exploration of the first objective is executed by considering the “ total number of reported cases of sexual offences against children, viz., Rape (Section 376 IPC), Unnatural Offence (Section 377 IPC), Assault on Women (Girl Child) with Intent to Outrage her Modesty (section 354 IPC), Sexual Harassment (Section 354A IPC), etc .,” during the time period 2001 to 2019. To ensure uniformity of data we have considered selected crime heads, which are common to entire study period and also included in the POCSO Act (2012). The uniformity of crime heads authorises us to conduct time series analysis over the study period. Moreover, we have considered here “Incidents of sexual offences against children” for the time series analysis and not the rate to avoid further normalisation. The “Incidents of sexual offences against children” are calculated by summing different crime heads committed against children. These crime heads are common for the entire study period as well as also included in the POCSO Act (2012) (see Table 1 for more information). The choice of the sample period is dictated by data availability. On the contrary, pin-pointing the socio-economic determinants of the “ Rate of cases reported under POCSO ” is accomplished by considering the cross-sectional data across Indian states. Because of the cross-sectional data we have considered the “ Rate of cases reported under POCSO ” as regressor and not the actual incidences to facilitate cross-sectional analysis. The empirical analysis of the second objective is facilitated by the latest available information for the twenty bigger states in India (Bhaumik, 2015 ). The selection of the states and the sample period is purely based on the availability of relevant information on the concerned variables.

Results and Discussion

In this section, we will present the empirical results related to the objectives obtained by applying the said methodology and the possible reasons behind such empirical results.

Summary statistics Sexual Offences Against Children

Sexual offences against children (SOAC) have been a hidden problem in India and are largely ignored both in social discourse as well as by the criminal justice system. Table 2 presents the summary statistics of the sexual offences committed against children over the time period from 2001 to 2019.

The table reveals that the mean incidence of SOAC is 13097.42 while the mean rate of the same is ~3%. Considering the huge population of India, this 3% figure is amounted to more than 13,000 incidences. The minimum incidence is a petrified figure (2113), and the corresponding maximum incidences are more than 47,000. As we are considering only the Indian scenario concerning SOAC, the impact of the POCSO act is analysed considering the “ Incidences of Sexual Offences against Children ”.

The incidences of sexual offences against children over the time period are also presented graphically in Fig. 1 .

Authors’ own presentation based on NCRB data.

The figure discloses a sharp increase up to 2013 and then, in 2014, it decreased marginally. In the next 2 years, India witnessed a sharp escalation of the incidences of sexual offences against children. In 2017, India witnessed a marginal decline in incidences. However, this decrease only lasts a year before the incidences rise again until 2019. The extreme fluctuations of the “ Incidences of Sexual Offences against Children ” indicating that there may be switching points in the study period and further investigation is required to understand the influence of different act legislated by the Indian government time-to-time for the protection of children.

Unit-root test

The stationarity of the time series is tested by using both the “Augmented Dickey and Fuller (ADF)” and the “Phillips-Perron (PP)” tests. However, to conclude about the stationarity of the stochastic process, we emphasise the “Phillips-Perron” test as it has greater power than the ADF test (Banerjee et al., 1993 ). The test result of the “ Incidents of sexual offences against children ” is presented in Table 3 .

The table reveals that we must accept the null hypothesis of unit root at the level. This means the variable is non-stationary and to make it stationary we consider the first difference of the variable. Further application of both tests on the first difference ensures the stationarity of the concerned variable. Therefore, for the analysis of the implication of the POCSO Act (2012), we must precede with a first difference as the differencing makes the stochastic process stationary. However, because of differencing, we lost one observation. Thus, the empirical investigation of the first objective will be executed by considering the “ Incidents of sexual offences against children ” for the time period 2002 to 2019. The apriori conditions for time series analysis, such as uniformity of statistical information and stationarity, are ensured, and thus we can proceed to structural break analysis.

Structural breaker switching points

Figure 1 discloses that there are fluctuations in the incidences of sexual offences against children in India. Moreover, the results related to PP and ADF tests suggest that the stochastic process is non-stationary at the level. Figure 1 and Table 3 together provide evidence to suspect that there may be structural breaks in the series. The structural break appears when there is an unexpected shift in the series. The possible reasons for that may be a change in the policy or structure of the economy, etc. In the present paper, the identification of the switching point of the time series variable is facilitated by the application of the “CUSUM squares test (CUSUMQ)” because of its superiority over the “Chow test”. When the switching points are unknown, the “CUSUM squares test (CUSUMQ)” is thought to be the most suitable method for determining the same. Figure 2 presents the test result of the CUSUMQ test.

Authors’ own calculation based on NCRB data.

The CUSUMQ test result reveals that the series has two break points, viz., in 2008 and 2015 and the result is significant at a 5% level. These two switching points divide our entire study period into three regimes viz., Regime-I (2002 to 2008), Regime-II (2009 to 2015), and Regime-III (2016 to 2019). Therefore, based on the switching point as dictated by the CUSUMQ test, we have divided our study period into three regimes. The critical question is, why do such unexpected changes occur with SOAC cases? In search of this question, we came across that the “Ministry of Women and Child Development” has been administering various special laws relating to women and children, such as “The Commissions for Protection of Child Right (CPCR) Act, 2005”, “The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006”, and “The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012”. Any policy change to protect children from any form of sexual abuse will take time to become effective. Consequently, if any policy change materialises in some period of time, say, 2005–2006, its implications will be felt after 1 or 2 years. Therefore, the first break point we obtain may be because of the influence of “The Commissions for Protection of Child Right (CPCR) Act, 2005”, “The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006”, and because of “The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012”, the second switching point appears. This is because although the act was passed in the Indian parliament in 2012, the implementation of the act takes time and was executed fully from 2016 onwards. NCRB also provides POCSO statistics from 2016 only. Consequently, the implications of these acts on children’s protection can be analysed by calculating the growth rate of SOAC for different time regimes by satiating the switching points.

Growth rate of incidents of sexual offences against children in India

We now consider the exploration of our first objective—the implication of the POCSO act in controlling the incidences of sexual offences against children in India. Based on the CUSUMQ test, we have divided our entire study period into three regimes, viz., Regime-I (2002 to 2008), Regime-II (2009 to 2015), and Regime-III (2016 to 2019). The third regime will enable us to analyse the implication of the POCSO act in revamping children’s paradise in India. To investigate the objective, we separately estimate the growth rate of SOAC incidences during these three different regimes, and the empirical result is shown in Table 4 . The estimations of the growth rates for different regimes are derived from Poirier’s Spline function approach (Poirier & Garber, 1974 ).

The growth rate of SOAC in Regime-I (2002 to 2008) was 1.219, a positive but controlled figure. As mentioned earlier, the Regime-II (2009–2015) may be expected to reflect the impact of two laws, viz., “ The Commissions for Protection of Child Right (CPCR) Act, 2005 ” and “ The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 ”, that have been administrated by “The Ministry of Women and Child Development” in 2005 and 2006, respectively. Unfortunately, our empirical findings indicate that these two laws do not protect children from “sexual offences.” The growth rate of SOAC during Regime-II escalated to 4.681. This may be because perhaps these laws are not focused on giving protection to children from sexual abuse. The former one was addressing the protection of children’s rights and the focus of the latter one was to forbid child marriage. None of these acts focus on terminating the sexual abuse of a child . Consequently, none of the act becomes king pin for minimising the sexual abuse of a child. On the contrary, on May 22, 2012, the Parliament of India passed the “ Protection of Children against Sexual Offence Bill, 2011 ” concerning the sexual abuse of a child (Bajpai, 2018 ) and, based on that, the “ Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 ” was enacted. The act is centred on ensuring a strong legal framework for protecting children from sexual offences of any kind, including rape, sexual harassment, and pornography (Ministry of Women and Child Development, 2013 ). Consequently, the “ POCSO Act, 2012 ”, becomes the first safeguard law for protecting children from sexual offences. The act was enacted in 2012, so we can expect the implication of this policy change to materialise from 2015 onwards. The NCRB provides recorded POCSO incidences, victims, and rates from 2016 onward. Therefore, we can expect the implication of the “ POCSO Act, 2012 ” to materialise in the Regime-III . Legitimately, the empirical result suggests that the “ POCSO Act, 2012 ” helps in reducing the sexual abuse of children . The growth rate of “ sexual offences against children ” in Regime-III declined to −4.611. Therefore, we can conclude that the “ POCSO Act, 2012 ” helps to reduce the sexual abuse of children and revamp children’s safety and security.

After exploring the implication of the “ POCSO Act, 2012 ”, in revamping children’s paradise, we next explore if there is any variation in reported POCSO incidences across Indian states or not. If variation exists, then only there organisation of the factors responsible for the successful implementation of the “ POCSO Act, 2012 ” across Indian states will be meaningful.

Variation in POCSO incidences across Indian states

To understand the variation in the “ Rate of cases reported under POCSO ” across Indian states, we performed a non-parametric ANOVA test considering 20 bigger Indian states for the time period 2016 to 2019. Table 5 presents the test result.

The table shows that the 1% threshold of statistical significance rejects the null hypothesis, H 0 : no inter-state variation , in the “Rate of instances reported under POCSO” across Indian states. The high F -statistic’s value of 19.417 demonstrates that there is considerable inter-state variation in the “Rate of instances reported under POCSO”. This result elucidates that there must be some determining factors for the inter-state variations. This test then authorised us to perform regression analysis in an attempt to identify the factors influencing the “ Rate of cases reported under POCSO ”.

Factors influencing the rate of reported POCSO cases

We next consider the pin-pointing of the role of PQLI along with other regressors in reducing reported POCSO cases for Indian states. The “ Ordinary Least Squares ” is our estimation technique, and thus the post-estimation of the validation of the OLS is also verified in this paper. The apriori condition for cross-sectional analysis, representative data, is primarily scrutinised by the descriptive statistics of the regression variables, which confirms the appropriateness of the regression analysis (see Table 11 in appendices). Table 6 presents the regression result.

A close perusal of the table divulges that the percentage of SC population, 0–19 Sex-ratio, Urbanisation, POCSO Percentage Share of Known Persons Cases to Total Cases, Secondary Gross Enrolment Ratio, PQLI, Judiciary and Public Safety Score (JPSS), and Employment relate male migration (Male migration) have a Significant footprint on the rate of reported POCSO cases . The regressors SC and ST are both positively related to POCSO . Historically, it is patently true that the lower castes, vis-à-vis weaker sections of society, are always as of target for any form of crime (Bower, 2003 ; Bywaters, et al., 2016 ; Sexton and Sobelson, 2018 ).

Here, we are also getting the reverberation of the paten fact. It is noteworthy that the estimated coefficient for ST is not statistically significant. The negative role of the JPSS demonstrates that enhancement in the law and order condition in the state results in the reduction of POCSO incidences. The result is pronounced. The improved law and order condition reflects the state’s efficacy in protecting its citizens. The state can provide a safe environment for normal daily life activities. Consequently, improvement in the JPSS fore shortens POCSO incidences in particular and crime as a whole. The absence of the implication of such an independent variable on POCSO cases in earlier studies prevents us from presenting any earlier study in support of our findings. The negative and significant value of the estimated coefficient 0–19 Sex-ratio enables us to pin-point that a favourable sex-ratio at any age will help to minimise any form of sexual offence.The favourable sex-ratio may give the voice less a voice and make it possible to recognise sexual offences, including sexual abuse of children (Kansal, 2016 ; Maity & Sinha, 2018 ; Maity, 2019 ). Based on our research, it is clear that most often it is a close family who abuses a child, the corresponding estimated coefficient, 0.438 is significant at 1% level. The well-established truth is confirmed by this finding. According to a research, the victims are familiar with 90% of the perpetrators (The Times of India, March 1, 2018 ; Maity, 2022 ). We draw two paradoxical results from our regression analysis, viz., an increase in both urbanisation and secondary gross enrolment ratio (elementary GER turns out statistically insignificant), and increase in the reported POCSO incidences. This may be because lower-class residents in urban regions frequently work in low-wage, ad hoc occupations. Even the primary female members need to work to pay the bills. Children become an easy target for any type of sexual assault when their parents are not present. Additionally, young kids are sometimes hired as domestic an assistant, which renders them more susceptible to this kind of crime. Education improves view points and gives the voice less a platform. The positive correlation between SGER and POCSO occurrences may be due to this. Here, we solely take into account recorded POCSO incidents. Because of their increased knowledge and awareness, the parents were eventually able to report the crime to the police after overcoming a variety of social stigmas, prejudices, and beliefs. The most interesting result is the relationship between POCSO-reported cases and PQLI. The estimated coefficient is not only statistically significant but also the sign of the coefficient is desirable. The estimated coefficient envisages a juxta position of the “ quality of life ” and “ reported POCSO cases ”. Consequently, the estimated coefficient allows us to conclude that by enhancing the “ quality of life ”, it is possible to deplete “ reported POCSO cases ” and revamp children’s paradise on earth. Finally, employment-related male migration is found to influence the reported POCSO cases positively. The result reflects the Indian societal structure where in the male is the undisputed leader of the family (Maity & Sinha, 2018 ; Maity, 2019 ). When the family’s main bread winner moves to another location, state, or country, the female members of the family become easy prey for others. Under such a scenario, the little one becomes more exposed to crime reported under POCSO. Only by speaking out against such crimes by other family members, including females, can such incidents be avoided. The absence of earlier literature concerning this prevents us from presenting any earlier study in support of our study. The table also presents the “ beta coefficient ”. A perusal of “ standardised coefficients ” discloses the paramount factor for reducing “ reported POCSO cases” Is the “quality of life” , followed by “ JPSS ” and a favourable “0 – 19 Sex-ratio ”. On the contrary, the “ standardised coefficients “reveal that “ POCSO known person ” and “ urbanisation ” is the most important factor in enhancing “ reported POCSO cases ”. The possible reasons for such results are explained earlier.

The testaments of the five basic assumptions which are necessary for the OLS estimators to be BLUE are examined thereafter.

The “ Adjusted Coefficient of Determination ”, \(\bar R^2\) is a measure of “ goodness of fit ” in a multiple regression model. The rule of thumb is higher the value better the fit. In the present model, \(\bar R^2\) is 0.8664, means best fit. The model is also well-specified, with a high F -statistic of 6.67 and a Prob >  F of 0.0062.

The normality of the error term is the primary condition for the OLS estimators to be BLUE. Graphical and statistical verification of the normality of the error term is performed here. For statistical verification of normality, we have used the “Shapiro–Wilk W -test for normal data.” The results are depicted graphically in Figure 3 and statistically in Table 7 .

Authors’ own calculation.

The null hypothesis of the test is that the corresponding distribution is normal. As disclosed in Table 7 , the large p -value (0.11) indicates the acceptance of \(\hat u_i\) is normally distributed. Thus, the normality of the residuals is established.

Heteroskedasticity

Based on the cross-sectional information, an empirical inspection of the determinants of the rate of reported POCSO cases across Indian states is performed. Accordingly, non-constancy of the error variance is a common phenomenon. To ensure homoscedasticity of the error variance, we conduct the Breusch-Pagan/Cook-Weisberg test for heteroskedasticity and Cameron and Trivedi’s decomposition of the IM-test. Here,

\(H_0\) : Constant Variance ,

The test results are presented in Table 7 ensures constancy of error variance or homoscedaticity .

Multicollinearity

Only in the absence of multicollinearity can independent effects of the regressors on the regressand be obtained. The Variance Inflation Factor (VIF) of the regression helps us to confirm the absence of multicollinearity. The corresponding result is presented in Table 8 .

Both VIF and the tolerance (1/VIF) are to be checked for the confirmation of the absence of multicollinearity. The table shows that for all regressors, the VIF and the tolerance (1/VIF) are within the prescribed level and thus corroborates the absence of multicollinearity .

Consequently, the OLS estimators presented in Table 6 are BLUE, and the conclusions drawn from these estimators are universal.

Conclusion and policy implications

The present study pivot around two research questions, viz., firstly, does the “ Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act” (PCSO) (2012), contribute to reducing “ sexual abuse of children ” in India? Secondly, does the escalation of “ Quality of life ” also entail a reduction of “sexual abuse of children”? Our empirical findings authorise us to conclude affirmatively in both cases. Based on our empirical findings we can suggest the following policy prescriptions to fore shorten “ child sexual abuse ” in India.

Firstly , improvement of “ quality of life ” will benefit everyone in society and that is the rudimentary reason for the negative sign. Improvement of the “ quality of life ” also ensures child protection together with the up-gradation of human capital. This yields in the enhancement of socio-economic conditions and that results in enhancing the safety and security of all. Therefore, both the state and the central governments must focus to improve the “ quality of life ” of their citizens. Secondly , the positive sign of the estimated coefficient of the “ secondary gross enrolment ratio ” encourages us to prescribe that emphasis should be placed on the enrolment of children in schools and encourage them for continuing education. Education will empower them, equip them to recognise “ good and bad touch ”, give them to voice against any “kind of sexual offence” without fear, and ultimately empower them to break “ irrational social stigma ”. In fact, only education empowers them to recognise and protest when they are the victims of “ sexual abuse ” by the “ known person ” Hence, only by encouraging parents to enrolment and continue of education of their children, including girl children, it is possible to fore shorten “ reported POCSO cases ” one day. Thirdly , recognising that lower cast people are soft targets of crime including “ child sexual abuse ”, a special provision in the law is demanded to protect these people. In fact, the “Scheduled Castes and Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989”,is there to protect SC and ST people. However, the mere existence of such acts does not guarantee the protection of SC and ST people. Only detecting and punishing such offences on a fast-track basis can foreshorten such crimes. The concentration of power among the high-caste people is one of the sources of such crimes. The distribution of powers, especially political power may furnish some solution. Identifying this, the Government of India reserved certain numbers of political positions for specific groups of the population including “ Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes ”. However, without changing the mentality of people, it is not possible to stop these cast-based crimes. Fourthly , the scenario of law and order condition of any state is proxied by the “Judiciary and Public Safety Score”. A higher value of JPSS indicates improved law and order conditions in any state. This means greater protection for all. By improving law and order conditions the concerned state will be able to provide an appropriate environment for social and economic activities. Accordingly, irrespective of the JPSS status Indian states are recommended to improve their law-and-order conditions. Finally , recognising the positive correlation between “ reported POCSO cases ” and “ urbanisation ” it is patently true that “child protection” is an emergent issue in urban India. In this respect, the local-state-central governments need to work in one line appropriately.

In the present study the pin-pointing of the determinants of the “reported POCSO act” is conducted by considering cross-sectional data. However, such a study can be better understood by considering panel data. Unfortunately, because of the unavailability of such statistics, we cannot pursue this. This can be considered a limitation of the study. However, based on the availability of the data, this extension is a future plan.

Data availability

The present study is based on secondary data. All relevant data are available at free of cost. The data sources are mentioned in the text.

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Maity, S., Chakraborty, P.R. Implications of the POCSO Act and determinants of child sexual abuse in India: insights at the state level. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 10 , 6 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-022-01469-x

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Child Sexual Abuse and the Internet—A Systematic Review

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Child sexual abuse is a growing social concern. Today, online communication chiefly facilitates access to vulnerable children and increases cases of child sexual abuse. The current article also aims to highlight digital platforms’ role in prevailing online child sexual abuse worldwide. The researchers conducted a Systematic Review of existing literature and selected a sample of n  = 42 articles witnessing the Internet's role in facilitating child sexual abuse. The cited literature indicated that online child sexual abuse widely involves child pornography for commercial and non-commercial purposes. Several online platforms provide scheduled online child sexual abuse sessions that are mostly unidentifiable for law enforcement agencies. Similarly, for non-commercial purposes, predators use different strategies and fulfill their objectives. These predators not only entice children, but also continue extorting the victims. Although the online child sexual abuse method may vary from person to person, the purpose is the same for all. In this regard, the current study gives practical recommendations to mitigate online child sexual exploitation in a better possible manner. Especially in developing countries, counteracting against online child sexual abuse to alleviate the deliberate online exploitation can remarkably decrease children’s rights violation.

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Ali, S., Haykal, H.A. & Youssef, E. Child Sexual Abuse and the Internet—A Systematic Review. Hu Arenas 6 , 404–421 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s42087-021-00228-9

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Article Contents

1. introduction, 2. sexual grooming in organizational settings: definitions and complexities, 3. child sexual abuse and grooming as a human rights concern, 4. domestic legislative responses and an expanded role for international human rights law, 5. conclusion, conflict of interest.

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Grooming and Child Sexual Abuse in Organizational Settings—an Expanded Role for International Human Rights Law

Department of Child Law, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands. The information in this publication expresses the author’s personal views and opinions and does not represent the views of any organization.

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Afrooz Kaviani Johnson, Grooming and Child Sexual Abuse in Organizational Settings—an Expanded Role for International Human Rights Law, Journal of Human Rights Practice , Volume 16, Issue 1, February 2024, Pages 355–373, https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huad039

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This article focuses on child sexual abuse in organizational settings, with a particular emphasis on ‘grooming’. While grooming is often associated with online behaviour, its origins predate the digital age. Consequently, this article challenges the misconception of solely linking grooming to online platforms and highlights its broader recognition. The article aims to explore how international human rights law addresses grooming and how the framework can be enhanced to effectively combat grooming and protect children from sexual abuse in organizational settings. First, the article discusses sexual grooming, including in organizational contexts, drawing from scientific and theoretical literature, case reviews, and government inquiries. It then analyses international and regional human rights laws, along with guidance from treaty-based human rights mechanisms, to outline existing standards on child sexual abuse and grooming. The article examines examples of domestic legislation and proposes an expanded role for international human rights law. By situating the issue within human rights discourse and emphasizing children as having rights and agency, the article challenges prevailing paradigms of child safeguarding research and practice that prioritize risk aversion and compliance ( Powell et al. 2020 ). The article urges practitioners to advocate for more comprehensive approaches at local and global levels. The human rights system provides additional avenues for advocates to drive change, fostering greater State and organizational accountability and ensuring every child’s right to be free from sexual abuse.

Child sexual abuse and cultures that enable it still exist. Grooming and its lasting impacts are not widely understood. Predators manipulate all of us. Family, friends, colleagues, strangers, in every class, culture and community. They thrive when we fight amongst ourselves and weaponise all of our vulnerabilities ( Tame 2021 ).

The right for children to be free from sexual abuse became a recognized human rights issue with the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC) ( Bueren 1994 : 46). Despite this milestone, child sexual abuse remains alarmingly prevalent worldwide. For instance, a meta-analysis of 217 studies between 1980 and 2008 found that 1 in 8 (12.7 per cent) of the world’s children experience sexual abuse and/or exploitation before the age of 18 ( Stoltenborgh et al. 2011 ).

This article focuses on child sexual abuse in organizational contexts, with a particular emphasis on the role of ‘grooming’. While grooming is often associated with the internet and online behaviour, its origins precede the digital age. Consequently, this article aims to challenge the misconception of solely linking grooming to online platforms and emphasizes its broader recognition.

The article is timely given the cases of child sexual abuse within organizational settings that continue to emerge, exemplified by high-profile cases involving the Catholic Church, USA Gymnastics, Boy Scouts America, and Hockey Canada. These incidents, along with the #MeToo movement, have prompted public outcry and shifted the discourse on sexual violence from individual perpetrators alone to the wider systems that enable child sexual abuse to occur.

To address this pressing issue, this article poses two main research questions,. First, what guidance can international human rights law offer to address the grooming of children for sexual abuse, including within organizational settings? Second, how can the international human rights law framework be used and enhanced to guide context-specific responses to combat grooming and protect children from abuse?

By situating the issue within human rights discourse, this article challenges prevailing paradigms that prioritize risk aversion and compliance, urging practitioners to centre their efforts on recognizing and respecting the rights and agency of children ( Powell et al. 2020 ). A human rights-based approach opens avenues for enhancing State and organizational accountability. Moreover, it holds the potential to catalyse change within organizations fostering conditions supportive of children’s rights.

This article is divided into three main parts. The following section discusses sexual grooming, including in organizational contexts, based on scientific and theoretical literature, case reviews and government inquiries. Section three analyses international and regional human rights laws, along with authoritative guidance (‘soft law’) from treaty-based human rights mechanisms, to outline existing standards related to child sexual abuse and grooming. It also highlights opportunities for enhancing global norms and promoting State and organizational accountability. Finally, the article examines domestic legislation on grooming and elaborates on recommendations from Australia’s Royal Commission into Institutional Abuse (Australia’s Royal Commission) 1 in support of broad grooming offences. It emphasizes the need for increased attention to grooming and proposes five key areas that require updated and comprehensive global guidance. In conclusion, the article encourages practitioners to utilize the human rights system as an important tool for driving change, increasing State and organizational accountability, and ensuring every child’s right to be free from sexual abuse.

The literature on grooming is still developing, mainly consisting of single studies with small sample sizes involving known or convicted perpetrators ( O’Leary et al. 2017 : 6). Geographically, the literature is dominated by evidence from the Global North particularly the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States of America, and Australia. Grooming, also known as ‘entrapment’, ‘engagement’, ‘subjection’, ‘emotional seduction’, ‘enticement’ and ‘solicitation’, poses challenges in achieving consensus on its definition ( Bennett and O’Donohue 2014 ; Winters, Kaylor and Jeglic 2021 ). Broadly, it refers to how some perpetrators interact with and engage a child, and sometimes others around the child, to enable sexual abuse while decreasing the likelihood of disclosure.

Though most grooming literature is not specific to organizational contexts, similarities exist across different typologies of offenders ( Kaufman et al. 2016 : 41). Grooming is generally understood as an incremental process, and several models have been proposed to explain it ( O’Leary et al. 2017 : 10). Winters et al. (2020) propose five overarching stages: victim selection; gaining access and isolating a child; trust development; desensitization to sexual content and physical contact; and maintenance following the abuse. Initial stages may appear innocent and ‘normal’, but later ones may involve more explicit attempts to desensitize a child to sexual activity, such as offering alcohol, drugs, exposing them to pornography or sexually explicit dialogue ( O’Leary et al. 2017 : 10).

Identifying grooming behaviours is challenging as they may not be explicitly sexual or criminal when viewed in isolation ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017c : 40). Some suggest that grooming is easier to identify retrospectively than before sexual abuse occurs ( Craven, Brown and Gilchrist 2006 : 292). Grooming patterns are non-uniform and may vary depending on factors like perpetrator and victim characteristics, the context in which it occurs, and technology-usage ( Winters, Jeglic and Kaylor 2020 : 856).

The widespread use and acceptance of technology in some organizational contexts have introduced new ways for adults to groom children for sexual abuse ( Zammit et al. 2021 : 17). It can facilitate the progression of grooming tactics from non-sexualized contact to sexual contact, especially when the perpetrator already knows the child. For instance, an analysis for the Independent Inquiry into Sexual Abuse for England and Wales found that alleged perpetrators used various social media platforms and emails for unsupervised and regular contact with children ( Zammit et al. 2021 : 46).

Perpetrators may also groom significant people in the child’s life, such as their parents, siblings, other family members, caregivers, and community members, to initiate and/or maintain abuse ( Craven, Brown and Gilchrist 2006 : 293; O’Leary et al. 2017 : 11). For instance, Australia’s Royal Commission uncovered cases where children were sexually abused by people in religious ministry after the perpetrator had groomed their family members. Perpetrators would ingratiate themselves into the family, assuming roles like a ‘father figure’, and exploiting vulnerable families such as those facing marital issues or mourning ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017b : 51). This grooming of people within the child’s circle can lead to the children’s isolation and decrease the likelihood that a child is believed if they disclose the abuse ( Craven, Brown and Gilchrist 2006 : 293).

In organizational contexts, perpetrators may also groom their professional environments to evade safety measures and exploit weaknesses, enabling them to sexually abuse children without detection ( McAlinden 2012 : 148). Perpetrators gain ‘insider’ status by manipulating their environment or position of trust, making it difficult to address concerns if detection or disclosure does occur ( O’Leary et al. 2017 : 12). Secretive, autonomous, or poorly supervised organizations are particularly susceptible to ‘organizational grooming’ ( McAlinden 2012 : 148). A review of cases involving ‘powerful perpetrators’ revealed common patterns of grooming within organizations, where individuals leveraged their power or celebrity status to manipulate the organization’s rules ( Erooga, Kaufman and Zatkin 2020 ).

Certain organizational cultures can enable grooming behaviours, making it difficult to distinguish grooming from acceptable behaviours. For example, in sports clubs, physical contact with children and intimate psychological relationships may be viewed as necessary; in educational settings, extended time between teachers and students may be considered as going ‘above and beyond the call of duty’; and in childcare institutions, showing affection through hugs and kisses may be seen as desirable ( Palmer et al. 2016 : 57–59). Zammit et al. describe such cultures as ‘informal’ institutional cultures, where informal social relationships and contact with children are normalized ( Zammit et al. 2021 : 89). This normalization makes it challenging to distinguish between grooming, benign actions, or even desirable behaviours, allowing perpetrators to manipulate norms and sexually abuse children undetected ( Zammit et al. 2021 : 90).

Organizational cultures that discourage discussion of sex-related matters may hinder children from recognizing grooming and delay abuse detection ( Palmer et al. 2016 : 60). In some instances, children may be groomed to believe they are in consensual ‘romantic’ relationships with the perpetrator, making it harder for them to recognize and disclose the abuse ( Zammit et al. 2021 : 90). For instance, a case file analysis for the Independent Inquiry into Sexual Abuse for England and Wales found that informal social relationships between adults and children created ‘cultures of silence’, leading children to refrain from reporting abuse due to fear of not being believed or of triggering a formal response that would get the perpetrator ‘into trouble’ or end the relationship ( Zammit et al . 2021 : 90).

Perpetrators accessing and sexually abusing children in contemporary organizational contexts closely resemble historical child sexual abuse cases, except for the increasing use of technology ( Zammit et al. 2021 : 93). This raises the crucial question of why States have been unable to improve safeguards for children in organizational settings, despite numerous government inquiries and high-profile scandals over the years. The enduring misperceptions surrounding child sexual abuse, including grooming, may be a contributing factor to this issue. Grooming challenges dominant stereotypes, such as ‘childhood innocence’ and ‘predatory molesters’ ( Dietz 2018 : 29), making it difficult for some professionals and community members to reconcile the concept of grooming with their idea of sexual violence ( Lanning 2018 : 12). These enduring misperceptions affect policy priorities and resource allocation and can lead to interventions based on misguided ‘stranger danger’ narratives. At an organizational level, these stereotypes may hinder the identification of warning signs and result in inadequate responses to cases of child sexual abuse. This information is relevant to practitioners as it sheds light on the barriers and challenges in addressing child sexual abuse, including in organizational contexts, urging a shift in approach and understanding to ensure every child’s right to be free from sexual abuse.

3.1 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child

The right for children to be free from sexual abuse is enshrined in the CRC, adopted in 1989 and coming into force in 1990. The CRC requires States parties to take action to protect the child from all forms of sexual abuse and exploitation and opens State party action or inaction to international scrutiny ( Levesque 1994 : 997–998). It marks a paradigm shift in viewing children as rights-holders entitled to non-negotiable rights to protection, rather than as ‘objects’ in need of assistance ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011 , para. 59). Today, the CRC has near-universal ratification, except for the USA.

Articles 34 and 19 of the CRC impose mandatory obligations for States to take measures to ensure the protection of children from sexual abuse. Article 34 requires States to protect the child from ‘all forms’ of sexual exploitation and abuse. This general obligation is complemented by a specific obligation to:

take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent: (a) The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity; (b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices; (c) The exploitative use of children in pornographic performances and materials.

Article 19(1) requires States to ‘take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect’ children from all forms of exploitation and abuse, including sexual abuse. Subparagraph (2) elaborates on the protective measures as inclusive of:

effective procedures for the establishment of social programmes to provide necessary support for the child and for those who have the care of the child, as well as for other forms of prevention and for identification, reporting, referral, investigation, treatment and follow-up of instances of child maltreatment.

Articles 19 and 34 are closely linked and their differences in scope appear to have diminished over time. Article 34 specifically addresses sexual abuse and exploitation, while article 19 covers all forms of violence inclusive of sexual abuse and exploitation. The drafting process suggests States were focused more on sexual exploitation in article 34 as sexual abuse had already been addressed in article 19 ( Muntarbhorn 2007 : 23). At the same time, the legislative history indicates that the language in subparagraph (a) of article 34 was proposed by the USA to provide content to the term ‘sexual abuse’ and distinguish it from ‘sexual exploitation’ which had commercial connotations ( Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2007 : 720). The Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC Committee), responsible for monitoring State party compliance under the CRC, has used subparagraph (a) of article 34 to define sexual abuse and exploitation for interpreting article 19 ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011 , para. 25).

Neither article 19 nor 34 expressly mentions grooming or related terms. However, the obligation in article 34 to prevent the ‘inducement or coercion’ of a child in unlawful sexual activity could potentially be interpreted to protect children from grooming behaviours that compel them to engage in sexual activity. In their commentary on article 34, Tobin and Seow (2019) suggest that the ordinary meaning of inducement could ‘arguably extend to the manner of techniques used to induce a child to participate in an unlawful sexual activity, ranging from the offer of financial compensation to the promise of care and affection’ ( Tobin and Seow 2019 : 1320). Interestingly, neither they nor other existing major commentaries on article 34 (for example Arkadas-Thibert 2022 ; Muntarbhorn 2007 ) explicitly reference grooming. Unfortunately, the legislative history of the CRC does not provide interpretative guidance for this phrase.

Articles 19 and 34 should be considered alongside other articles of the CRC and the guiding principles that underpin a child rights approach. These principles include non-discrimination (article 2), the best interests of the child as a primary consideration (article 3(1)), and the child’s right to direction and guidance from caregivers and parents in accordance with their evolving capacity (article 5), the child’s inherent right to life, survival and development (article 6), and the child’s right to be heard (article 12).

Additionally, the specific obligations in articles 19 and 34 are reinforced by general obligations under article 4. Similar to provisions in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, article 4 of the CRC requires that States take ‘all appropriate legislative, administrative, and other measures’ to implement the rights enshrined in the CRC. The right to protection from sexual abuse, being a civil right and freedom, requires immediate implementation ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011 , para. 65; Tobin and Seow 2019 : 1330). In light of article 4, States must undertake all possible measures towards the realization of the rights of the child, irrespective of their economic circumstances, and use available resources to the maximum extent ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2003 , para. 8; 2011 , para. 65).

In the analysis of relevant provisions of the CRC, articles 3(3) and 25 are worth mentioning, especially in the context of sexual abuse in organizational contexts. Article 3(3) requires States to ensure that the ‘institutions, services and facilities responsible for the care or protection of children … conform with the standards established by competent authorities, particularly in the areas of safety, health, in the number and suitability of their staff, as well as competent supervision’. Article 25 is an overarching right for children that are placed in alternative care by ‘competent authorities’ for their ‘care, protection or treatment’ to a periodic review of the treatment provided to the child and all other circumstances.

3.2 Optional protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography

The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (OPSC), adopted in 2000 and entered into force in 2002, enhances the provisions under the CRC, particularly relating to articles 34 and 35. As of March 2022, the OPSC has 177 States parties ( United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner 2022 ). Article 1 of the OPSC defines practices which must be prohibited by States, namely ‘child prostitution’, ‘child pornography’, and the sale of a child. It also specifies acts associated with these practices that must be criminalized domestically (article 3). The OPSC covers the circumstances in which States must exercise jurisdiction over these offences (article 4), extradition (article 5), forms of mutual assistance (article 6), measures to protect the rights of child victims (article 8), and preventive measures and international cooperation obligations (article 10).

In 2019, the CRC Committee published guidelines on the implementation of OPSC. According to these guidelines, grooming is defined as ‘the process of establishing a relationship with a child either in person or through the use of ICT to facilitate online or offline sexual contact’ ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2019d , para. 68). While grooming for sexual purposes is not covered explicitly in the OPSC, the guidelines state that it is a form of child sexual exploitation that ‘may’ constitute an OPSC offence if it involves the production and dissemination of child sexual abuse material (that is, ‘child pornography’) ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2019d , para. 68). However, this interpretation raises some questions as producing or disseminating child abuse material should not be regarded as grooming, as it is abuse in itself. This interpretation may reflect earlier research that viewed sexual grooming as an element of offending behaviour and focused on the link between specific offences and child sexual abuse material, rather than viewing online grooming as an ‘offence-specific process’ ( International Centre for Missing and Exploited Children 2017 : 11).

3.3 CRC Committee guidance and recommendations

3.3.1 general comments.

The CRC Committee issues ‘general comments’ to help guide the interpretation of the CRC and States parties’ implementation. Although grooming is not explicitly mentioned in the CRC or the OPSC, the CRC Committee has referred to grooming in various general comments. In General comment No. 13 on the right of the child to freedom from all forms of violence, grooming for sexual activities is recognized as a child protection risk in the digital environment ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011 , para. 3). General comment No. 16 on State obligations regarding the impact of the business sector on children’s rights mentions ‘cyber-grooming’ as one of the criminal acts in which companies may be complicit ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2013b , para. 60). General comment No. 20 on the implementation of the rights of the child during adolescence includes ‘grooming for sexual exploitation’ as one of the risks that adolescents may face in the digital environment ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2016 , para. 48). Most recently, General comment No. 25 on children’s rights in relation to the digital environment highlights that perpetrators may use digital technologies to ‘solicit children for sexual purposes’ ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2021b , para. 81).

The CRC Committee’s general comments to date seem to focus solely on grooming within the digital environment, leaving a gap in addressing grooming behaviours outside of this context. A clear and authoritative interpretation of ‘inducement or coercion’ in article 34 is needed to explicitly protect children from grooming practices across all settings.

3.3.2 Concluding observations and recommendations

States parties must submit regular reports to the CRC Committee, detailing their efforts to implement the CRC and the progress of children’s rights within their jurisdictions (article 44). Non-State party stakeholders, including non-governmental organizations, children’s organizations, national human rights institutions, UN agencies, and others including academics and civil society, can also submit written reports on the situation of children’s rights in a country. Upon reviewing these reports, the CRC Committee provides recommendations to the State Party in the form of ‘concluding observations’. A review of concluding observations from the past decade indicates that the CRC Committee has acknowledged instances of domestic legislation criminalizing grooming (or ‘solicitation’) of children for sexual purposes, primarily focusing on online grooming.

Despite some ambiguity in the OPSC guidelines regarding grooming, the CRC Committee has made repeated recommendations for State parties to criminalize online grooming to achieve ‘full compliance’ with the OPSC (for example United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2014 , paras 25, 26; 2015 , paras 21, 22; 2018a , para. 26; 2018c , paras 27, 28; 2018b , para. 27; 2019a , para. 50). The CRC Committee has recommended State parties amend their criminal law to criminalize online grooming of all children up to the age of 18, in countries where the offence of online grooming does not cover children between 16 and 18 years of age (for example United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2013a , paras 22, 23; 2019c , paras 28, 29). In recent concluding observations, the CRC Committee has urged State parties to criminalize online grooming in domestic legislation as part of their efforts to address all forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse (for example United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2019b , paras 28, 29; 2020b , para. 23; 2020c , para. 30). The CRC Committee has also recommended the development of guidelines and other practical measures to improve the investigation and prosecution of cases of online grooming (for example United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2020a , para. 25; 2021a , para. 28; 2022a , para. 22).

The recent concluding observations for Cambodia present the most expansive view of grooming so far. The CRC Committee expresses concern over the absence of a specific prohibition on grooming and urges the State party to criminalize grooming explicitly. They emphasize the need for ‘effective investigation of and intervention in all cases of sexual exploitation and abuse of children in and outside the home, and in the digital environment, including cases involving grooming’ ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2022b , paras 27, 28). While addressing sexual offences facilitated by technology is critical, the CRC Committee’s latest framing ensures that grooming is not limited to the digital environment. It emphasizes the importance of addressing grooming in all settings, including organizational contexts, whether or not it is partially or fully enabled by technology.

3.3.3 Individual communications and inquiries

The CRC Committee can initiate an inquiry procedure under article 13 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on a communications procedure (OPCP) if it receives reliable information indicating grave or systematic violations of any rights in the CRC, or its Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict, or the OPSC by a State party. The CRC Committee has conducted only one investigation so far, focusing on the situation of children and adolescents in residential care centres in Chile. In addition to other violations of the CRC, the investigation found that the State party breached article 34 by failing to prevent sexual violence, respond in a timely and effective manner to reported sexual violence, implement specific protocols for dealing with sexual abuse in some centres, and train staff in sexual abuse prevention ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2020d , para. 102).

Grooming is not mentioned in the CRC Committee’s findings, and it may not have been used by the perpetrators. In certain institutional settings (for example ‘closed’ institutions such as detention facilities and children’s homes) where there is less supervision and infrequent contact with family or supportive adults, perpetrators may not need to groom their victims and could rely on threats or force instead ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017c : 46). Nevertheless, the CRC Committee’s observations have significant ramifications for children in care and potentially for other organizational contexts ( Espejo Yaksic n.d .). The CRC Committee clearly holds the State responsible for violations occurring in the centres under its direct control, those administered by partner organizations, and other centres. The State’s responsibility derives from its failure to exercise oversight and its delegated capacity to privately managed centres ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2013b , para. 25; 2020d , para. 108).

The CRC Committee can also receive and consider individual communications from individuals or groups within the jurisdiction of a State party to OPCP. While the Committee’s views (or decisions on merit) of individual communications have not yet substantively addressed child sexual abuse and exploitation, this could be a potential avenue for clarifying State party obligations and increasing accountability in the future.

3.4 European human rights frameworks and mechanisms

This sub-section analyses European human rights frameworks, which expressly consider online and in-person grooming, which can potentially clarify or enhance the international framework.

3.4.1 Lanzarote Convention

The Council of Europe’s Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse (Lanzarote Convention), which opened for signature in 2007 and entered into force in 2010, is regarded as the most comprehensive standard concerning child sexual abuse. It is open for accession by both the European Union and non-member States of the Council of Europe and has 48 ratifications or accessions as of August 2022 ( Council of Europe 2022 ).

The Lanzarote Convention requires States parties to criminalize all forms of sexual offences against children, aiming to enhance the protections afforded by the CRC and OPSC (article 42). Moreover, it is the first international instrument expressly requiring states to criminalize the grooming of children for sexual purposes. Article 23 provides:

Each Party shall take the necessary legislative or other measures to criminalise the intentional proposal, through information and communication technologies, of an adult to meet a child who has not reached the age set in application of Article 18, paragraph 2, for the purpose of committing any of the offences established in accordance with Article 18, paragraph 1.a, or Article 20, paragraph 1.a, against him or her, where this proposal has been followed by material acts leading to such a meeting.

The Committee of the Parties to the Council of Europe Convention on the protection of children against sexual exploitation and sexual abuse (Lanzarote Committee) is responsible for monitoring implementation of the Convention, facilitating information exchange, and expressing opinions on the Convention’s implementation (article 41). In 2015, the Lanzarote Committee acknowledged that ‘no static definition of online grooming is possible’ and recommended that parties consider extending criminalization in cases where sexual abuse occurs online without in-person meetings ( Committee of the Parties to the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse 2015 , para. 20). In their 2017 interpretative opinion, the Committee affirmed that the offences ‘remain criminalised by national law in the same way, whatever the means used by sexual offenders to commit them, be it through the use of ICTs or not, even when the text of the Lanzarote Convention does not specifically mention ICTs’ ( Committee of the Parties to the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse 2017 ).

Article 18 of the Convention is relevant in the context of abuse in organizational settings. It ensures that children in certain relationships are protected from sexual abuse, even when they have already reached the legal age for sexual activities and the person involved does not use coercion, force, or threat. The Explanatory Report gives examples of relationships where such protection applies, including family members, caretakers, persons who provide education, emotional, pastoral, therapeutic or medical care, as well as individuals who employ or have financial or other control over a child. Specific reference is also made to volunteers, such as those involved in holiday camps or in youth organizations ( Council of Europe 2007 , para. 124). Abuse of authority is also considered an aggravating circumstance in sentencing for sexual offences against a child (article 28).

In 2019, the Lanzarote Committee adopted a Declaration on protecting children in out-of-home care from sexual abuse and exploitation. The Declaration considered articles 18 and 28 and acknowledged extensive research on sexual abuse by volunteers and professionals in residential care and institutional settings. Among other things, the Committee called for States parties to ensure comprehensive screening procedures for all caregivers, specific measures to prevent abuse due to children’s increased vulnerability and dependence, mechanisms to support children in disclosing sexual violence, protocols for effective follow-up in case of disclosure, clear procedures for removing alleged perpetrators from the out-of-home care setting during investigations, and effective monitoring of practices and standards to prevent and combat child sexual abuse ( Committee of the Parties to the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse 2019 ).

3.4.2 Child sexual abuse directive

Directive 2011/93/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 December 2011 on combating the sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children and child pornography, and replacing Council Framework Decision 2004/68/JHA (the Directive) provides additional guidance on grooming offences. The Directive aims to combat child sexual abuse and exploitation, building on the provisions of the Lanzarote Convention ( European Parliament, Directorate General for Parliamentary Research Services 2017 : 22). The Directive ‘encourages’ Member States to criminalize grooming occurring outside of the digital environment where the solicitation ‘takes place in the presence or proximity of the child’ (recital 19). It also requires the criminalization of ‘solicitation’ through information and communication technology by an adult to meet a person who has not yet reached the age of sexual consent, where the proposal to meet in person is followed by material acts leading to such a meeting (article 6). Aggravating circumstances include abuse of a recognized position of trust or authority (article 9).

During the negotiations for the Directive, policymakers highlighted the importance of addressing ‘real-life’ solicitation of children for sexual purposes. Member States were asked ‘to check carefully their criminal law definitions as regards the criminalization of “real-life” solicitation of children for sexual purposes and to improve and correct their criminal law, if necessary’, in line with recital 19 of the Directive ( European Parliament 2011 ). While in-person grooming was not mandatory, many Member States chose to criminalize this practice as well ( European Parliament, Directorate General for Parliamentary Research Services 2017 : 26) 2

This section briefly examines some examples of domestic legislation before discussing a possible expanded role for international human rights law.

4.1 Grooming legislation in the US, UK and Australia

This sub-section provides an overview of grooming legislation in different jurisdictions, focusing on the USA, UK and Australia. The article delves into Australian legislation in more detail, as government inquiries into institutional abuse have prompted significant reforms in some Australian jurisdictions, making them particularly pertinent to this discussion.

In the USA, the federal ‘coercion and enticement’ statute, section 2422(a) of the Criminal Code, makes it an offence to knowingly persuade, induce, entice, or coerce a person to travel over state lines or out of the country to engage in any sexual activity that constitutes a criminal offence. Although the phrase ‘grooming’ is not explicitly used in the federal law, the tactics associated with grooming are encompassed in the offence of ‘coercion and enticement’. It is also illegal for a person to attempt to engage in such behaviour. Section 2422(b) makes it an offence to use the mail or internet, or any other means of interstate commerce, to intentionally persuade, coerce, or entice a child to engage in illegal sex acts. In addition to the federal statute, 42 states have enacted grooming legislation ( Kaylor et al. 2022 : 4). Both federal and state statutes primarily apply to cases of sexual grooming which involve an electronic device or travel ( Kaylor et al. 2022 : 9–10). While the federal statute appears to require travel for the offence, case law has clarified that the crime is complete at the point of persuasion or attempted persuasion, even if no travel occurs ( Kaylor et al. 2022 : 10). However, there remains some ambiguity across the different legislative schemes, and in-person grooming does not seem to be adequately covered.

In the UK, section 14 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 criminalizes arranging a meeting with a child under 16, whether for oneself or another person, with the intention of sexually abusing the child. A person commits this offence if they intentionally arrange or facilitate something they intend to do, intend for another person to do, or believe another person will do, anywhere in the world, that would involve committing an offence under specific sections of the Act. Section 15 makes it an offence to meet a child on one or more occasions following sexual grooming. In 2017, section 15A was added to the law, making it an offence for a person aged 18 or over to communicate sexually with a child under 16 to obtain sexual gratification. The addition allows authorities to intervene earlier to prevent more serious offending against children and applies to both online and offline communications ( Ministry of Justice, Criminal Law and Sentencing Policy Unit 2017 : 5).

The Sexual Offences Act includes civil preventative orders that can prohibit specified behaviours, including grooming of children that do not meet criminal thresholds. The orders can apply to individuals convicted or cautioned for sexual or violent offences, posing a risk of sexual harm, or to anyone posing a risk of harm, even without relevant convictions or cautions. The risk of harm may relate to the public in the UK and/or children or vulnerable adults abroad. The orders may impose restrictions like limiting internet use or travel and require a careful balancing of the human rights of persons subject to them and children’s rights to protection. This could be particularly challenging in the context of grooming, where distinguishing between innocuous and predatory behaviour can be difficult. The government guidance specifies that befriending or sharing hobbies with a child is not sufficient for a civil order unless ‘there is explicitly sexual content or other disturbing aspects to the behaviour such as excessive secrecy, activities taking place in a locked room etc’ ( Home Office 2018 : 49). The use of civil orders in sexual offending cases is still relatively new, with limited evidence regarding their effectiveness ( Kingston and Thomas 2018 ).

In Australia, all jurisdictions have grooming offences. The Commonwealth (federal) Criminal Code Act 1995 includes various grooming offences related to ‘using a carriage service’ and targeting children under 16 years of age (section 474.27). There are arrangements between Australian states and territories and the Commonwealth to prosecute online grooming under Commonwealth provisions and to use state or territory offences for attempts to meet children in person following online grooming ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017a : 78). State and territory legislation falls into three main categories: conduct involving online or other electronic communication; specific conduct such as sharing indecent images or supplying the child with drugs or alcohol (for example state of New South Wales); and broader grooming offences criminalizing any conduct that aims to groom a child for later sexual activity (for example in the states of Victoria and Queensland) ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017a : 77).

Victoria’s Crimes Act 1958 includes a broad grooming offence, introduced following recommendations from a government inquiry into child abuse by religious and other non-government organizations ( Parliament of Victoria, Family and Community Development Committee 2013a ). The offence encompasses communication by ‘any words or conduct’ with a child under the age of 16 with the intention of facilitating their engagement or involvement in a sexual offence with the person or another person who is 18 years of age or over. ‘Communication’ includes electronic communication. The offence also covers the grooming of a person who has care, supervision, or authority over the child (section 49M), such as a parent, step-parent, teacher, legal guardian, religious leader, employer, youth worker, sporting coach, foster parent or corrections officer (section 37). The extension to persons around the child was included in the legislation due to the inquiry’s findings that child sexual abuse often involves multiple secondary victims, typically parents and other family members who allowed and encouraged the perpetrator to develop a relationship with the child, leading to long-term trauma ( Parliament of Victoria, Family and Community Development Committee 2013b : 470).

Victoria’s legislation also includes an offence of ‘encouraging’ sexual activity of a child under the age of 16 (section 49K), targeting sexualized grooming behaviour. Unlike the grooming offence, this provision does not require a connection to sexual activity, touching or penetration offences with the perpetrator ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017a : 83–85). A similar offence applies to children aged 16 or 17 who are under care, supervision or authority (section 49L). However, there is no equivalent section 49M grooming offence covering children aged 16 or 17 years of age, which has been highlighted as an issue in a recent report by the Victorian Law Reform Commission on improving the justice system response to sex offences ( Victorian Law Reform Commission 2021 : 317).

4.2 Utility of a broader grooming offence

As discussed in the review of scientific and theoretical literature, grooming is not only about behaviours that precede sexual abuse but also includes actions that conceal abuse and prevent detection. However, legislation has tended to focus on the former aspect ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017c : 40). Even with this focus, it remains challenging for legislators to determine the threshold for when a crime has been committed. Initially, legal definitions concentrated on the intent to meet, but they have evolved in many jurisdictions to include communications with the intent to commit a sexual offence. 3 While in-person communication is technically covered by these offences, available information suggests that the focus has been on charging grooming offences in relation to online communications, as they tend to be easier to charge and prosecute due to a record of the communication ( Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse 2017 : 42). Other specific conduct grooming offences, such as sharing indecent images or the supply of drugs or alcohol, may also be more easily detected and relatively easy to prove ( Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse 2017 : 42). In the absence of a contact offence being committed following grooming, other grooming behaviour is more difficult to prosecute, especially where those behaviours may in themselves be harmless, appropriate, and even desired behaviours ( Winters, Kaylor and Jeglic 2021 : 3).

Despite these challenges, the Australian Royal Commission recommended that each state and territory government amend its criminal legislation to adopt a broad grooming offence that captures any communication or conduct with a child undertaken with the intent to groom the child to be involved in a sexual offence. The Royal Commission acknowledged that this broader offence would probably only be prosecuted in narrower circumstances of online grooming, including police uncover operations, but concluded that a broader offence would emphasize the ‘wrongfulness of grooming behaviour’ and perform an educative function for institutions, their staff, parents, children and the broader community ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017a : 96–97). Additionally, the Royal Commission saw the potential for this broader offence to provide the criminal law context for institutional codes of conduct, which could prohibit risky conduct that creates the opportunity for abuse ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017a : 96).

The Royal Commission also recommended states and territories adopt an offence that covers grooming persons other than the child. While they did not expect frequent charges under this provision, they considered it important to acknowledge the damage grooming behaviour can cause to those around a child ( Commonwealth of Australia 2017a : 97).

Australia’s Royal Commission suggests a broader role for the law, going beyond criminalizing predatory behaviour. The approach recognizes the law’s potential to articulate and shape community expectations and societal norms. By adopting a broader grooming offence, the law underscores the wrongfulness of such behaviour and its impact on individuals and communities, sending a clear message to institutions, staff, parents, children, and society at large. It recognizes the harm caused by grooming and offers victims and survivors a way to address their trauma and find support on their path to healing ( van Zyl 2017 : 52). While this expanded approach may not lead to frequent charges and prosecutions for grooming without electronic communications, it serves a crucial purpose in affirming the gravity of such behaviour and its consequences and the potential for fostering a safer environment for children.

4.3 Enhancing the global human rights framework

Human rights instruments and treaty bodies are instrumental in advancing our collective understanding of child sexual abuse and the right of every child to be free from sexual abuse. Though not legally binding, the recommendations of bodies like the CRC Committee hold significant weight and often act as a catalyst for action, influencing political and legal processes in countries ( Sloth-Nielsen 2018 : 14–16). However, as this analysis has shown, there has been limited discussion of grooming by the treaty body, despite the growing scientific and theoretical literature, State inquiries and high-profile cases. To address this gap, this article proposes five key areas that require updated and elaborated global guidance: the scope of criminal law offences, the right to protection for all children up to the age of 18, addressing grooming in organizational settings, setting standards for staff and volunteers, and ensuring children’s right to be heard. Practitioners can leverage these recommendations in their work to advocate for comprehensive laws to address grooming and preventive measures at both local and global levels.

4.3.1 Scope of criminal law offences

The CRC Committee’s guidance on grooming focuses mainly on the digital environment, except for recent concluding observations for Cambodia. However, the absence of legislative measures to address in-person grooming may hinder effective implementation of articles 19 and 34, specifically the obligation to prevent the ‘inducement or coercion’ of a child in unlawful sexual activity (article 34(a)). Comprehensive guidance on using criminal law to address grooming in all contexts is critical. Such guidance should acknowledge the challenges in charging and prosecuting grooming behaviour before a contact offence occurs, particularly without online communications. Nevertheless, having a specific offence that can be charged and prosecuted, even after a contact offence, is vital to recognize the harm to victims and survivors. Additionally, considering offences that include grooming persons other than the child would acknowledge the damage of grooming behaviour to parents and other caregivers. Conducting independent research, continuous monitoring, and evaluation of legislation are vital to building collective understanding of other functions of broader grooming offences, such as their potential educative impact on organizations, staff, parents, children, and the broader community.

4.3.2 The right to protection for every child

The CRC Committee’s guidance indicates that legislative measures should, at a minimum, criminalize online grooming as a standalone offence and apply to children up to the age of 18. Addressing the complexities of cases involving children above the age of consent, where they may be groomed to believe they are in a consensual relationship, requires further attention. While the examples of domestic legislation examined above have made progress in tackling grooming, there remains a gap in addressing the grooming of children above the age of sexual consent. Reference to article 18 of the Lanzarote Convention, which protects children in certain relationships, even when they have reached the age of consent and no coercion, force or threat is used, could be beneficial. The CRC Committee has been unambiguous in other contexts that State parties must recognize that persons up to the age of 18 are entitled to ‘continuing protection from all forms of exploitation and abuse’ ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2016 , para. 40) and that respecting the evolving capacities of adolescents ‘does not obviate States’ obligations to guarantee protection’ ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2016 , paras 19, 20). The level of legal protection for all children up until the age of 18 will greatly influence how victims and survivors are treated and their experiences of justice and the justice system. Accordingly, guidance is needed to ensure that children over the age of consent are not left unprotected.

4.3.3 Organizational settings and change

The CRC Committee has yet to comprehensively address grooming and abuse in organizational contexts and by persons in ‘positions of trust’. The Lanzarote Committee’s elaboration of offences relating to abuse of a position of trust and child sexual abuse in organizational contexts, as discussed in section 3.4, offer helpful guidance in this regard. While the CRC Committee’s findings on Chile reiterated state responsibilities in protecting children from sexual abuse by non-State actors, further elaboration on State party and organizational responsibilities could drive positive change across multiple State parties. At a minimum, State parties should be encouraged to ensure adequate oversight, compel organizations to take proactive steps before children are harmed, and ensure appropriate responses to disclosures of abuse by organizations and other duty-bearers. To achieve this effectively, widespread understanding of how perpetrators groom children, families, communities, and organizations is crucial. Alongside existing scientific and theoretical literature on grooming, additional research is needed to understand the similarities and differences in perpetrators’ modus operandi in various contexts, including in the Global South. This evidence can inform effective prevention and intervention strategies to combat grooming and protect children.

4.3.4 Standards for staff and volunteers

Organizations can take proactive steps to protect children from sexual abuse and grooming by implementing intra-organizational policies and codes of conduct. The CRC Committee has emphasized the importance of developing and implementing intra- and inter-agency child protection policies, professional ethics codes, protocols, memoranda of understanding, and standards of care for all childcare services and settings, and for all levels of government and civil society institutions ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011 , para. 42(b)). Legislation can provide the criminal law context for these policies and codes, but explicitly incorporating grooming behaviours as inappropriate or harmful within child protection policies and codes of conduct sets a clear standard for staff and volunteers, reducing the risk of fostering organizational cultures and environments that enable grooming. To ensure a comprehensive approach, staff and volunteers working with children should receive training on child sexual abuse and grooming behaviours. It is essential that staff, volunteers, parents, caregivers, and the wider community are aware of grooming tactics to create organizational conditions supportive of children’s rights. By equipping all stakeholders with knowledge about grooming and child sexual abuse, organizations can create safer environments for children and deter potential perpetrators.

4.3.5 Children’s right to be heard

Creating cultural conditions to improve children’s protection includes recognition of children as having rights and agency. The CRC Committee has emphasized the significance of children’s right to be heard, especially in cases of sexual abuse and other forms of violence ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2009 , paras 118–21; 2011 , para. 63). However, the application of this right in organizational contexts remains relatively unexplored. This could involve supporting children’s active participation in decision-making that affects their rights, such as legislative or policy development at national and/or organizational levels as well as providing an organizational environment where children can speak up, be supported, and receive appropriate responses to their concerns. It should also include informing children about their rights and empowering and equipping them with skills necessary to protect and defend those rights, in accordance with their evolving capacities.

The CRC Committee has recommended providing children with ‘accurate, accessible and age-appropriate information and empowerment on life skills, self-protection and specific risks’ ( United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011 , para. 44). However, it should be acknowledged that teaching children about grooming behaviours may be particularly complex. This complexity arises from the nature of grooming, where some tactics appear to be appropriate or even desired behaviours. Additionally, the extreme power imbalance between perpetrators and children, often amplified by the grooming process, further complicates the matter. Dealing with these complexities requires investing in empirically tested curricula and interventions to ensure meaningful empowerment of children as rights-holders.

This article aimed to explore how international human rights law addresses grooming for child sexual abuse and how it can be further used and enhanced to combat this issue effectively. While the scientific and theoretical literature on grooming is still developing, it offers crucial evidence for legislators, policymakers, and practitioners seeking to improve responses to child sexual abuse. To improve legislative and policy measures, additional research is necessary to deepen our understanding of grooming, particularly in the Global South.

The findings of this article highlight that current global human rights guidance on sexual grooming is predominantly focused on the digital environment and overlooks the broader impact of grooming on individuals and environments beyond the child. At a national level, such narrow perspectives on grooming could influence legislative decisions, policy formulations, and resource allocation, potentially leading to missed opportunities in preventing child sexual abuse and inadequate responses when abuse is disclosed or discovered.

Drawing on this broader understanding, practitioners can advocate for more comprehensive approaches at both local and global levels to catalyse change within organizations and create conditions supportive of children’s rights. The human rights system offers additional avenues for advocates to drive change, fostering greater State and organizational accountability and ensuring the right of every child to be free from sexual abuse.

None declared.

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United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2019a . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of Australia . UN Doc CRC/C/AUS/CO/5-6 (1 November 2019) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2019b . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of the Republic of Korea . UN Doc CRC/C/KOR/CO/5-6 (24 October 2019) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2019c . Concluding Observations on the Report Submitted by Georgia under Article 12 (1) of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography . UN Doc CRC/C/OPSC/GEO/CO/1 (30 October 2019) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2019d . Guidelines Regarding the Implementation of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography . UN Doc CRC/C/156 (10 September 2019) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2020a . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of Austria . UN Doc CRC/C/AUT/CO/5-6 (6 March 2020) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2020b . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of Belarus . UN Doc CRC/C/BLR/CO/5-6 (28 February 2020) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2020c . Concluding Observations on the Combined Second to Fifth Periodic Reports of the Cook Islands . UN Doc CRC/C/COK/CO/2-5 (2 April 2020) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2020d . I nquiry Concerning Chile under Article 13 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on a Communications Procedure . UN Doc CRC/C/CHL/IR/1 (6 May 2020) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2021a . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of Switzerland . UN Doc CRC/C/CHE/CO/5-6 (22 October 2021) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2021b . General Comment No. 25 (2021) on Children’s Rights in Relation to the Digital Environment . UN Doc CRC/C/GC/25 (2 March 2021) .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2022a . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of the Kingdom of the Netherlands . UN Doc CRC/C/NLD/CO/5-6 (9 March 2022 .

United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child . 2022b . Concluding Observations on the Combined Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of Cambodia . UN Doc CRC/C/KHM/CO/4-6 (27 June 2022) .

United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner . 2022 . Status of Ratification Interactive Dashboard: Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, OHCHR . https://indicators.ohchr.org/ ( referenced 28 August 2022 ).

Victorian Law Reform Commission . 2021 . Improving the Justice System Response to Sexual Offences: Report . https://www.lawreform.vic.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/VLRC_Improving_Justice_System_Response_to_Sex_Offences_Report_web.pdf ( referenced 24 August 2022 ).

Winters , G. M. , E. L. Jeglic , and L. E. Kaylor . 2020 . Validation of the Sexual Grooming Model of Child Sexual Abusers . Journal of Child Sexual Abuse 29 ( 7 ): 855 – 75 . https://doi.org/10.1080/10538712.2020.1801935 .

Winters , G. M. , L. E. Kaylor , and E. L. Jeglic . 2021 . Toward a Universal Definition of Child Sexual Grooming . Deviant Behavior 43 ( 8 ): 1 – 13 . https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2021.1941427 .

Zammit , J. , S. Senker , H. Bows et al. . 2021 . Child Sexual Abuse in Contemporary Institutional Contexts: An Analysis of Disclosure and Barring Service Discretionary Case Files . UK : Independent Inquiry Child Sexual Abuse . https://www.iicsa.org.uk/key-documents/26611/view/csa-contemporary-institutional-contexts-july-2021.pdf ( referenced 8 August 2021 ).

van Zyl , N. 2017 . Sexual Grooming of Young Girls: the Promise and Limits of Law . Agenda 31 ( 2 ): 44 – 53 . https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2017.1369673 .

Australia’s Royal Commission is one of the most comprehensive national inquiries on child sexual abuse in institutional contexts to date. The Royal Commission took over five years to complete its work, including a two-year extension, with a total estimated expenditure of AUD342.3 million. More than 680 people worked for the Royal Commission during its life. The Royal Commission held 57 public hearings and 8,013 private sessions across Australia. The Royal Commission’s Final Report comprises 17 volumes ( Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse 2022 ).

The European Commission is presently undertaking an evaluation of the 2011 Directive for possible revision.

Sections 49K and 49L of Victoria’s Crimes Act and section 15A of the UK Sexual Offences Act go even further in targeting sexualized grooming behaviour that does not require intent for the sexual activity to occur.

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I want to keep my child safe from abuse − but research tells me I’m doing it wrong

Founder and Executive Director, Center for Violence Prevention Research; Affiliate Faculty with the Crimes Against Children Research Center, University of New Hampshire

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Melissa Bright receives funding from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the World Childhood Foundation (via work with Stop it Now!).

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Child sexual abuse is uncomfortable to think about, much less talk about. The idea of an adult engaging in sexual behaviors with a child feels sickening. It’s easiest to believe that it rarely happens, and when it does, that it’s only to children whose parents aren’t protecting them.

This belief stayed with me during my early days as a parent. I kept an eye out for creepy men at the playground and was skeptical of men who worked with young children, such as teachers and coaches. When my kids were old enough, I taught them what a “good touch” was, like a hug from a family member, and what a “bad touch” was, like someone touching their private parts.

But after nearly a quarter-century of conducting research – 15 years on family violence, another eight on child abuse prevention, including sexual abuse – I realized that many people, including me, were using antiquated strategies to protect our children .

As the founder of the Center for Violence Prevention Research , I work with organizations that educate their communities and provide direct services to survivors of child sexual abuse. From them, I have learned much about the everyday actions all of us can take to help keep our children safe. Some of it may surprise you.

Wrong assumptions

First, my view of what constitutes child sexual abuse was too narrow. Certainly, all sexual activities between adults and children are a form of abuse.

But child sexual abuse also includes nonconsensual sexual contact between two children. It includes noncontact offenses such as sexual harassment, exhibitionism and using children to produce imagery of sexual abuse. Technology-based child sexual abuse is rising quickly with the rapid evolution of internet-based games, social media, and content generated by artificial intelligence. Reports to the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children of online enticements increased 300% from 2021 to 2023 .

My assumption that child sexual abuse didn’t happen in my community was wrong too. The latest data shows that at least 1 in 10 children, but likely closer to 1 in 5, experience sexual abuse . Statistically, that’s at least two children in my son’s kindergarten class.

Child sexual abuse happens across all ethnoracial groups, socioeconomic statuses and all gender identities. Reports of female victims outnumber males , but male victimization is likely underreported because of stigma and cultural norms about masculinity .

I’ve learned that identifying the “creepy man” at the playground is not an effective strategy. At least 90% of child sexual abusers know their victims or the victims’ family prior to offending. Usually, the abuser is a trusted member of the community; sometimes, it’s a family member .

In other words, rather than search for a predator in the park, parents need to look at the circle of people they invite into their home.

To be clear, abuse by strangers does happen, and teaching our kids to be wary of strangers is necessary. But it’s the exception, not the norm , for child sexual abuse offenses.

Most of the time, it’s not even adults causing the harm. The latest data shows more than 70% of self-reported child sexual abuse is committed by other juveniles . Nearly 1 in 10 young people say they caused some type of sexual harm to another child . Their average age at the time of causing harm is between 14 and 16.

Now for a bit of good news: The belief that people who sexually abuse children are innately evil is an oversimplification. In reality, only about 13% of adults and approximately 5% of adolescents who sexually harm children commit another sexual offense after five years . The recidivism rate is even lower for those who receive therapeutic help .

By contrast, approximately 44% of adults who commit a felony of any kind will commit another offense within a year of prison release .

What parents can do

The latest research says uncomfortable conversations are necessary to keep kids safe. Here are some recommended strategies:

Avoid confusing language. “Good touches” and “bad touches” are no longer appropriate descriptors of abuse . Harmful touches can feel physically good, rather than painful or “bad.” Abusers can also manipulate children to believe their touches are acts of love.

The research shows that it’s better to talk to children about touches that are “OK” or “not OK,” based on who does the touching and where they touch. This dissipates the confusion of something being bad but feeling good.

These conversations require clear identification of all body parts, from head and shoulders to penis and vagina. Using accurate anatomical labels teaches children that all body parts can be discussed openly with safe adults. Also, when children use accurate labels to disclose abuse, they are more likely to be understood and believed.

Encourage bodily autonomy. Telling my children that hugs from family members were universally good touches was also wrong . If children think they have to give hugs on demand, it conveys the message they do not have authority over their body.

Instead, I watch when my child is asked for a hug at family gatherings – if he hesitates, I advocate for him. I tell family members that physical touch is not mandatory and explain why – something like: “He prefers a bit more personal space, and we’re working on teaching him that he can decide who touches him and when. He really likes to give high-fives to show affection.” A heads-up: Often, the adults are put off, at least initially.

In my family, we also don’t allow the use of guilt to encourage affection. That includes phrases like: “You’ll make me sad if you don’t give me a hug.”

Promote empowerment. Research on adult sexual offenders found the greatest deterrence to completing the act was a vocal child – one who expressed their desire to stop, or said they would tell others.

Monitor your child’s social media. Multiple studies show that monitoring guards against sexting or viewing of pornography , both of which are risk factors for child sexual abuse. Monitoring can also reveal permissive or dangerous sexual attitudes the child might have.

Talk to the adults in your circle. Ask those watching your child how they plan to keep your child safe when in their care. Admittedly, this can be an awkward conversation. I might say, “Hey, I have a few questions that might sound weird, but I think they’re important for parents to ask. I’m sure my child will be safe with you, but I’m trying to talk about these things regularly, so this is good practice for me.” You may need to educate them on what the research shows.

Ask your child’s school what they’re doing to educate students and staff about child sexual abuse. Many states require schools to provide prevention education; recent research suggests these programs help children protect themselves from sexual abuse .

Talk to your child’s sports or activity organization. Ask what procedures are in place to keep children safe . This includes their screening and hiring practices, how they train and educate staff, and their guidelines for reporting abuse. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention provides a guide for organizations on keeping children safe .

Rely on updated research. Finally, when searching online for information, look for research that’s relatively recent – dated within the past five years. These studies should be published in peer-reviewed journals .

And then be prepared for a jolt. You may discover the conventional wisdom you’ve clung to all these years may be based on outdated – and even harmful – information.

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More than 300 million child victims of online sexual abuse globally: report

Image: Adobe Stock (AI-generated).

Research reveals the global scale of child sexual abuse and exploitation for the first time.

This report contains material that references child abuse. Readers may find the content confronting or disturbing. To speak to a Lifeline Crisis Supporter, phone 13 11 14. 

More than 300 million children a year are victims of online sexual abuse and exploitation, according to an estimate of the global scale of the crisis.

Around one in eight children worldwide (approximately 302 million children) have been victims of non-consensual taking, sharing and exposure to sexual images and videos in the past year. Furthermore, one in eight children globally is estimated to have been subject in the past year to online solicitation, such as unwanted sexual talk, which can include non-consensual sexting, unwanted sexual questions and unwanted sexual act requests by adults or other youths.

Offences can also take the form of “sextortion”, where predators demand money from victims to keep images private to abuse AI deepfake technology.

The findings are published in a report today by the Childlight Global Child Safety Institute at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland, in partnership with UNSW Sydney , as part of the first global index of child sexual exploitation and abuse prevalence across three indicators: victimisation, perpetration, and availability of child sexual abuse material online. The report draws upon data from over 36 million reports to the leading policing organisations, surveys, and analysis of 125 studies, including the work of criminologist Professor Michael Salter from the School of Social Sciences at UNSW Arts, Design & Architecture .

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Professor Salter, who is the inaugural director of the new Childlight East Asia and Pacific hub at UNSW, said the global index aims to provide a universal measure of child sexual abuse and exploitation. 

“We’ve previously never had a globally agreed baseline for the measure of child sexual abuse and exploitation to understand the scale of the problem, track efforts to reduce it, and hold governments to account,” said Prof. Salter. “By shining a light on the extent as well as the nature of child sexual exploitation and abuse, it is our hope that this research can be a catalyst for change to keep children safe.”

The global scale of child sexual abuse

Children are also being exploited and sexually abused across the world every second of every day. The report found files containing sexual images of children are reported once every second to the five main watchdog and policing organisations in the world. 

“The world needs to know these atrocities are affecting children in every classroom, in every school, in every country,” said Professor Deborah Fry, an expert in international child protection at the University of Edinburgh and lead of the Childlight project. “These aren’t harmless images: they are deeply damaging, and the abuse continues with every view and the failure of taking down this abusive content.”

While problems exist in all parts of the world, the report found the United States was a particularly high-risk area, with high levels of child sexual abuse material hosted there. It also found about a quarter of U.S. children (23 per cent) reported being victims in the past year of non-consensual taking, sharing and unwanted exposure to sexual images and videos. 

One in nine men in the United States (equating to almost 14 million men) admitted online sexual offending against children at some point in their lives. A recent study led by Prof. Salter also estimated nearly one in ten Australian men have committed a sexual offence against a child.

“The higher rates of child sex offending in the United States are driven by policy decisions, including a lack of investment in public health and child welfare and a reluctance to regulate online environments,” Prof. Salter said. “We’re talking about children who have been sexually abused because they are using technology, services and products that are promoted to them by commercial entities who facilitate this, and we need to focus our attention on the role they play in ensuring child safety online.”

It is our hope that this research can be a catalyst for change to keep children safe. Professor Michael Salter

A public health crisis

2021 Australian of the Year, Grace Tame, a survivor of childhood sexual abuse, said the figures in the report showed that child sexual abuse is a “global public health crisis that is steadily worsening.”

Prof. Michael Salter said the problem has worsened since Covid 19 and should be treated as an epidemic. 

“Child sexual abuse is a public health issue with long-term impacts on the mental and physical health of victims and survivors,” Prof. Salter said. “There are significant safety implications for children who are abused online, particularly images and videos have been recorded have been distributed and framing it as an epidemic captures the sheer scale of its prevalence and devastating lifelong impacts.”

“Whilst we are calling for this to be dealt with as a public health issue, we recognise this will take time – time that children don’t have,” said Childlight CEO Paul Stanfield. “Police cannot deal with the scale of the problem, and more needs to be done to prevent it happening in the first place. 

“Children’s safety needs to be put before the privacy of offenders and corporate profit.”

Stop It Now! Australia works with adults concerned about their own or someone else’s sexual thoughts or behaviours towards children. Call the anonymous helpline on 1800-01-1800 or access resources at  www.stopitnow.org.au

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Sexual Abuse

The first 12 hours after online image-based sexual abuse, online activity shapes the discourse around this emergent type of sexual harm..

Updated May 27, 2024 | Reviewed by Monica Vilhauer

• What Is Sexual Abuse?
• Find counselling to heal from sexual abuse
• Sharing intimate images of another person without prior consent has immediate and long-lasting impacts.
• Online repsonses can be derogatory, sexualized, and victim-blaming in nature.
• A broad portion of the general public understands the criminal nature of these behaviors and condemns them.

This post is co-authored with Dr. Dean Fido (Associate Professor of Forensic Psychology ; University of Derby)

On 30 April 2024, former actor turned politician, Laurence Fox, shared a sexually explicit photograph of female presenter Narinder Kaur on social media platform X (formerly Twitter). The image was an upskirting shot (capturing the genitals of Ms. Kaur as she was leaving a vehicle), which was shared without her consent.

Seemingly, Fox posted this image as a direct response to Ms. Kaur criticising right-wing commentator Leilani Dowding for her previous appearances on Page 3 of one U.K. newspaper (historically, but no longer, reserved to showcase topless and/or provocative images of consenting women). The image remained live for 24 hours before being taken down, during which time it made 215k impressions (views), including being re-posted over 400 times and receiving 2.5k "likes."

Despite this behaviour not technically falling under U.K. legislation related to upskirting (i.e., the Voyeurism (Offences) Act 2019), because the image was not captured by Fox himself, recent amendments to the Sexual Offences Act (2003) through the Online Safety Act (2023) mean that someone found guilty of sharing intimate images without consent could face up to six months in custody.

The Impact of Image-Based Sexual Abuse

Psychological research into image-based sexual abuse (IBSA; the non-consensual capture, generation, and/or sharing of intimate images) has grown exponentially over the last decade. Despite debates as to the motives to commit IBSA and the personality traits which predict somebody’s likelihood of engaging in such behaviour, what is consistent from this research are the immediate and long-lasting consequences for somebody having their intimate images shared without their consent.

In addition to suffering a constellation of social consequences (e.g., being shamed by family and losing trust in friends) and professional consequences (e.g., being overlooked for employment because of internet search results), such individuals also experience a host of mental and physical health consequences. Stress , anxiety , and depression are commonly reported, alongside notable reports of self-harm and even suicide .

In part, some of this response might stem from believing the general public will have and voice harsh and victim-blaming attitudes — such as why the victim sent the images in the first place. Though such attitudes have been captured by research across the globe, never before have immediate responses to such viral IBSA been reported on. In the context of upcoming peer-reviewed research into this event, we briefly comment on the tone of public responses to Fox’s post here.

Responses on X (formerly Twitter)

Of the 314 replies that were posted 12 hours after the initial image was published, 48% featured derogatory comments targeted towards Ms. Kaur, which referenced either the appearance, scent , or feel of her genitals, or which indicated their “disgust” — not at the original post or poster — but at the victim themselves. In many cases a combination of emojis and memes were used to direct unwarranted shame towards the victim, and on 16 occasions posters went as far to "@" Ms. Kaur directly in their abusive posts so as to increase the likelihood that their comment would be seen by the victim.

Of concern, eight posts directly supported the behaviour of Fox in circulating this image (e.g., “This is going to go viral – just don’t get banned over it 🤣”) with a further 12 posts going on to describe how this image made them want to perform sexual acts on the victim: “Didn’t think I’d say this but she’s making me hard.”

Twenty posts also suggested that Ms. Kaur herself was at fault for the images being share. Such commenters either validated the post by referring to her as a “hypocrite whose Tweets [sic] were nasty” or emphasised her role in the images being captured in the first place: “The paparazzi have always taken pics like that, why did she go out like that?” Some even went further to propose – without reason – that “Narinder the exhibitionist knew what she was doing” and even made inferences as to her preparation for sexual relations later that day.

Hope and Support

It is encouraging, nonetheless, that 27% of replies either condemned the actions of Fox for sharing the intimate images (e.g., “This is abhorrent, and low even for you, are your boys proud of you?”) or made specific comment on the legality of the act (“This is revenge porn – I hope you’re sued again”). Indeed, 27 individual posts sought to bring the image to the attention of the Metropolitan Police directly, with a further 6 posting screenshots of the legislation.

But, on a platform where people can direct hate anonymously with no repercussions and without any empathic investment into the harm that such responses might elicit, it feels increasingly difficult to combat IBSA. There is a clear need to educate the public on this timely issue.

Craig Harper, Ph.D. , is an academic and psychological scientist. His research interests lie in the psychological processes that underpin decision-making in relation to controversial social and political topics.

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At any moment, someone’s aggravating behavior or our own bad luck can set us off on an emotional spiral that threatens to derail our entire day. Here’s how we can face our triggers with less reactivity so that we can get on with our lives.

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May 27, 2024

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Over 300 million young people have experienced online sexual abuse, exploitation, finds metastudy

by Deborah Fry, The Conversation

It takes a lot to shock Kelvin Lay. My friend and colleague was responsible for setting up Africa's first dedicated child exploitation and human trafficking units, and for many years he was a senior investigating officer for the Child Exploitation Online Protection Center at the UK's National Crime Agency, specializing in extra territorial prosecutions on child exploitation across the globe.

But what happened when he recently volunteered for a demonstration of cutting-edge identification software left him speechless. Within seconds of being fed with an image of how Lay looks today, the AI app sourced a dizzying array of online photos of him that he had never seen before—including in the background of someone else's photographs from a British Lions rugby match in Auckland eight years earlier.

"It was mind-blowing," Lay told me. "And then the demonstrator scrolled down to two more pictures, taken on two separate beaches—one in Turkey and another in Spain—probably harvested from social media. They were of another family but with me, my wife and two kids in the background. The kids would have been six or seven; they're now 20 and 22."

The AI in question was one of an arsenal of new tools deployed in Quito, Ecuador, in March when Lay worked with a ten-country taskforce to rapidly identify and locate perpetrators and victims of online child sexual exploitation and abuse—a hidden pandemic with over 300 million victims around the world every year.

That is where the work of the Childlight Global Child Safety Institute , based at the University of Edinburgh, comes in. Launched a little over a year ago in March 2023 with the financial support of the Human Dignity Foundation , Childlight's vision is to use the illuminating power of data and insight to better understand the nature and extent of child sexual exploitation and abuse.

I am a professor of international child protection research and Childlight's director of data, and for nearly 20 years I have been researching sexual abuse and child maltreatment, including with the New York City Alliance Against Sexual Assault and Unicef.

The fight to keep our young people safe and secure from harm has been hampered by a data disconnect—data differs in quality and consistency around the world, definitions differ and, frankly, transparency isn't what it should be. Our aim is to work in partnership with many others to help join up the system, close the data gaps and shine a light on some of the world's darkest crimes.

302 million victims in one year

Our new report, Into The Light , has produced the world's first estimates of the scale of the problem in terms of victims and perpetrators.

Our estimates are based on a meta-analysis of 125 representative studies published between 2011 and 2023, and highlight that one in eight children—302 million young people—have experienced online sexual abuse and exploitation in a one year period preceding the national surveys.

Additionally, we analyzed tens of millions of reports to the five main global watchdog and policing organizations—the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF), the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC), the Canadian Center for Child Protection (C3P), the International Association of Internet Hotlines (INHOPE), and Interpol's International Child Sexual Exploitation database (ICSE). This helped us better understand the nature of child sexual abuse images and videos online.

While huge data gaps mean this is only a starting point, and far from a definitive figure, the numbers we have uncovered are shocking.

We found that nearly 13% of the world's children have been victims of non-consensual taking, sharing and exposure to sexual images and videos.

In addition, just over 12% of children globally are estimated to have been subject to online solicitation, such as unwanted sexual talk which can include non-consensual sexting, unwanted sexual questions and unwanted sexual act requests by adults or other youths.

Cases have soared since COVID changed the online habits of the world. For example, the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF) reported in 2023 that child sexual abuse material featuring primary school children aged seven to ten being coached to perform sexual acts online had risen by more than 1,000% since the UK went into lockdown.

The charity pointed out that during the pandemic, thousands of children became more reliant on the internet to learn, socialize, and play and that this was something which internet predators exploited to coerce more children into sexual activities—sometimes even including friends or siblings over webcams and smartphones.

There has also been a sharp rise in reports of "financial sextortion," with children blackmailed over sexual imagery that abusers have tricked them into providing—often with tragic results, with a spate of suicides across the world .

This abuse can also utilize AI deepfake technology—notoriously used recently to generate false sexual images of the singer Taylor Swift.

Our estimates indicate that just over 3% of children globally experienced sexual extortion in the past year.

A child sexual exploitation pandemic

This child sexual exploitation and abuse pandemic affects pupils in every classroom, in every school, in every country, and it needs to be tackled urgently as a public health emergency. As with all pandemics, such as COVID and AIDS, the world must come together and provide an immediate and comprehensive public health response.

Our report also highlights a survey which examines a representative sample of 4,918 men aged over 18 living in Australia , the UK and the US. It has produced some startling findings. In terms of perpetrators:

• One in nine men in the US (equating to almost 14 million men) admitted online sexual offending against children at some point in their lives—enough offenders to form a line stretching from California on the west coast to North Carolina in the east or to fill a Super Bowl stadium more than 200 times over.
• The surveys found that 7% of men in the UK had admitted the same—equating to 1.8 million offenders, or enough to fill the O 2 area 90 times over and by 7.5% of men in Australia (nearly 700,000).
• Meanwhile, millions across all three countries said they would also seek to commit contact sexual offenses against children if they knew no one would find out, a finding that should be considered in tandem with other research indicating that those who watch child sexual abuse material are at high risk of going on to contact or abuse a child physically.

The internet has enabled communities of sex offenders to easily and rapidly share child abuse and exploitation images on a staggering scale, and this in turn, increases demand for such content among new users and increases rates of abuse of children, shattering countless lives.

In fact, more than 36 million reports of online sexual images of children who fell victim to all forms form of sexual exploitation and abuse were filed in 2023 to watchdogs by companies such as X, Facebook, Instagram, Google, WhatsApp and members of the public. That equates to one report every single second.

Quito operation

Like everywhere in the world, Ecuador is in the grip of this modern, transnational problem: the rapid spread of child sexual exploitation and abuse online. It can see an abuser in, say, London, pay another abuser in somewhere like the Philippines to produce images of atrocities against a child that are in turn hosted by a data center in the Netherlands and dispersed instantly across multiple other countries.

When Lay—who is also Childlight's director of engagement and risk—was in Quito in 2024, martial law meant a large hotel normally busy with tourists flocking for the delights of the Galápagos Islands, was eerily quiet, save for a group of 40 law enforcement analysts, researchers and prosecutors who had more than 15,000 child sexual abuse images and videos to analyze.

The cache of files included material logged with authorities annually, content from seized devices, and from Interpol's International Child Sexual Exploitation (ICSE) database database. The files were potentially linked to perpetrators in ten Latin American and Caribbean countries: Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Peru and the Dominican Republic.

Child exploitation exists in every part of the world but, based on intelligence from multiple partners in the field, we estimate that a majority of Interpol member countries lack the training and resources to properly respond to evidence of child sexual abuse material shared with them by organizations like the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC). NCMEC is a body created by US Congress to log and process evidence of child sexual abuse material uploaded around the world and spotted, largely, by tech giants. However, we believe this lack of capacity means that millions of reports alerting law enforcement to abuse material are not even opened.

The Ecuador operation, in conjunction with the International Center for Missing and Exploited Children (ICMEC) and US Homeland Security, aimed to help change that by supporting authorities to develop further skills and confidence to identify and locate sex offenders and rescue child victims.

Central to the Quito operation was Interpol's database database that contains around five million images and videos that specialized investigators from more than 68 countries use to share data and co-operate on cases.

Using image and video comparison software—essentially photo ID work that instantly recognizes the digital fingerprint of images—investigators can quickly compare images they have uncovered with images contained in the database. The software can instantly make connections between victims, abusers and places. It also avoids duplication of effort and saves precious time by letting investigators know whether images have already been discovered or identified in another country. So far, it has helped identify more than 37,900 victims worldwide.

Lay has significant field experience using these resources to help Childlight turn data into action—recently providing technical advice to law enforcement in Kenya where successes included using data to arrest pedophile Thomas Scheller. In 2023, Scheller, 74, was given an 81-year jail sentence . The German national was found guilty by a Nairobi court of three counts of trafficking, indecent acts with minors and possession of child sexual abuse material.

But despite these data strides, there are concerns about the inability of law enforcement to keep pace with a problem too large for officers to arrest their way out of. It is one enabled by emerging technological advances, including AI-generated abuse images, which threaten to overwhelm authorities with their scale.

In Quito, over a warming rainy season meal of encocado de pescado, a tasty regional dish of fish in a coconut sauce served with white rice, Lay explained: "This certainly isn't to single out Latin America but it's become clear that there's an imbalance in the way countries around the world deal with data. There are some that deal with pretty much every referral that comes in, and if it's not dealt with and something happens, people can lose their jobs. On the opposite side of the coin, some countries are receiving thousands of email referrals a day that don't even get opened."

Now, we are seeing evidence that advances in technology can also be utilized to fight online sexual predators. But the use of such technology raises ethical questions.

Contentious AI tool draws on 40 billion online images

The powerful, but contentious AI tool, that left Lay speechless was a case in point: one of multiple AI facial recognition tools that have come onto the market, and with multiple applications. The technology can help identify people using billions of images scraped from the internet, including social media.

AI facial recognition software like this has reportedly been used by Ukraine to debunk false social media posts, enhance safety at check points and identify Russian infiltrators, as well as dead soldiers. It was also reportedly used to help identify rioters who stormed the US capital in 2021.

The New York Times magazine reported on another remarkable case. In May 2019, an internet provider alerted authorities after a user received images depicting the sexual abuse of a young girl.

One grainy image held a vital clue: an adult face visible in the background that the facial recognition company was able to match to an image on an Instagram account featuring the same man, again in the background. This was in spite of the fact that the image of his face would have appeared about half the size of a human fingernail when viewing it. It helped investigators pinpoint his identity and the Las Vegas location where he was found to be creating the child sexual abuse material to sell on the dark web. That led to the rescue of a seven-year-old girl and to him being sentenced to 35 years in jail.

Meanwhile, for its part, the UK government recently argued that facial recognition software can allow police to "stay one step ahead of criminals" and make Britain's streets safer. Although, at the moment, the use of such software is not allowed in the UK.

When Lay volunteered to allow his own features to be analyzed, he was stunned that within seconds the app produced a wealth of images, including one that captured him in the background of a photo taken at the rugby match years before. Think about how investigators can equally match a distinctive tattoo or unusual wallpaper where abuse has occurred and the potential of this as a crime-fighting tool is easy to appreciate.

Of course, it is also easy to appreciate the concerns some people have on civil liberties grounds which have limited the use of such technology across Europe. In the wrong hands, what might such technology mean for a political dissident in hiding for instance? One Chinese facial recognition startup has come under scrutiny by the US government for its alleged role in the surveillance of the Uyghur minority group, for example.

Role of big tech

Similar points are sometimes made by big tech proponents of end-to-end encryption on popular apps: apps which are also used to share child abuse and exploitation files on an industrial scale —effectively turning the lights off on some of the world's darkest crimes.

Why—ask the privacy purists—should anyone else have the right to know about their private content?

And so, it may seem to some that we have reached a Kafkaesque point where the right to privacy of abusers risks trumping the privacy and safety rights of the children they are abusing.

Clearly then, if encryption of popular file sharing apps is to be the norm, a balance must be struck that meets the desire for privacy for all users, with the proactive detection of child sexual abuse material online.

Meta has shown recently that there is potential for a compromise that could improve child safety, at least to some extent. Instagram, described by the NSPCC recently as the platform most used for grooming , has developed a new tool aimed at blocking the sending of sexual images to children—albeit, notably, authorities will not be alerted about those sending the material.

This would involve so-called client-side scanning which Meta believes undermines the chief privacy protecting feature of encryption—that only the sender and recipient know about the contents of messages. Meta has said it does report all apparent instances of child exploitation appearing on its site from anywhere in the world to NCMEC.

One compromise with the use of AI to detect offenders, suggests Lay, is a simple one: to ensure it can only be used under strict license of child protection professionals with appropriate controls in place. It is not "a silver bullet," he explained to me. AI-based ID will always need to be followed up by old fashioned police work but anything that can "achieve in 15 seconds what we used to spend hours and hours trying to get" is worthy of careful consideration, he believes.

The Ecuador operation, combining AI with traditional work, had an immediate impact in March. ICMEC reports that it led to a total of 115 victims (mainly girls and mostly aged six-12 and 13-15) and 37 offenders (mainly adult men) positively identified worldwide. Within three weeks, ICMEC said 18 international interventions had taken place, with 45 victims rescued and seven abusers arrested.

One way or another, a compromise needs to be struck to deal with this pandemic. "Child sexual abuse is a global public health crisis that is steadily worsening thanks to advancing technologies which enable instantaneous production and limitless distribution of child exploitation material, as well as unregulated access to children online."

These are the words of Tasmanian, Grace Tame: a remarkable survivor of childhood abuse and executive director of the Grace Tame Foundation which works to combat the sexual abuse of children.

"Like countless child sexual abuse victim-survivors, my life was completely upended by the lasting impacts of trauma, shame, public humiliation, ignorance and stigma. I moved overseas at 18 because I became a pariah in my hometown, didn't pursue tertiary education as hoped, misused alcohol and drugs, self-harmed, and worked several minimum wage jobs." Tame believes that "a centralized global research database is essential to safeguarding children."

If the internet and technology brought us to where we are today, the AI used in Quito to save 45 children is a powerful demonstration of the power of technology for good. Moreover, the work of the ten-country taskforce is testament to the potential of global responses to a global problem on an internet that knows no national boundaries.

Greater collaboration, education, and in some cases regulation and legislation can all help, and they are needed without delay because, as Childlight's mantra goes, children can't wait.

Provided by The Conversation

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Native American children endured years of sexual abuse at boarding schools

‘In the name of God’

For decades, Catholic priests, brothers and sisters raped or molested Native American children who were taken from their homes by the U.S. government and forced to live at remote boarding schools, a Post investigation found.

Clarita Vargas was 8 when she was forced to live at St. Mary’s Mission, a Catholic-run Indian boarding school in Omak, Wash., that was created under a U.S. government policy to strip Native American children of their identities. A priest took her and other girls to his office to watch a TV movie, then groped and fondled her as she sat on his lap — the beginning of three years of sexual abuse, she said.

“It haunted me my entire life,” said Vargas, now 64.

Jay, a 70-year-old member of the Assiniboine and Gros Ventre tribes whose surname is not being used to protect his privacy, was sent to St. Paul Mission and Boarding School in Hays, Mont. When he was 11, Jay said, a Jesuit brother raped him in a shack next to the pine grove where the priests cut down Christmas trees.

“He said if I ever told anybody that I would go to hell,” Jay recalled.

Geraldine Charbonneau Dubourt was one of nine sisters who said they were sexually or physically abused by priests at an Indian boarding school in Marty, S.D. She said that she was 16 when a Catholic priest repeatedly raped her in a church basement and that a doctor and several Catholic sisters later forced her to undergo an abortion.

“If somebody says you get over the abuse, trust me, you don’t get over it, ” said Dubourt, 75.

These firsthand accounts and other evidence documented by The Washington Post reveal the brutality and sexual abuse inflicted upon children who were taken from their families under a systematic effort by the federal government to destroy Native American culture, assimilate children into White society and seize tribal lands.

From 1819 to 1969, tens of thousands of children were sent to more than 500 boarding schools across the country, the majority run or funded by the U.S. government . Children were stripped of their names, their long hair was cut, and they were beaten for speaking their languages, leaving deep emotional scars on Native American families and communities. By 1900, 1 out of 5 Native American school-age children attended a boarding school. At least 80 of the schools were operated by the Catholic Church or its religious affiliates.

The Post investigation reveals a portrait of pervasive sexual abuse endured by Native American children at Catholic-run schools in remote regions of the Midwest and Pacific Northwest, including Alaska.

At least 122 priests, sisters and brothers assigned to 22 boarding schools since the 1890s were later accused of sexually abusing Native American children under their care, The Post found. Most of the documented abuse occurred in the 1950s and 1960s and involved more than 1,000 children.

“A national crime scene” is how Deborah Parker, a citizen of the Tulalip Tribes and the chief executive of the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition, described the network of church-run Indian boarding schools.

“They committed crimes under the cloak,” said Parker, whose grandmother and other family members were sent to boarding schools. “They did it in the name of God.”

To investigate, The Post examined the work histories of priests named on lists, disclosed by Catholic entities, as having faced a “credible claim of sexual abuse.” Using those lists from dioceses and religious orders, The Post then identified which abusers worked at Indian boarding schools. Reporters also reviewed lawsuits, sworn affidavits, oral histories and thousands of boarding school records, and conducted interviews with former students.

The Post’s findings come at a time when the country’s first Native American Cabinet secretary, Deb Haaland — whose own relatives were sent to boarding schools — is scrutinizing the history of the schools that were operated or supported by the U.S. Interior Department, the agency she now leads.

As with past government inquiries into the boarding schools, Haaland’s investigation has not delved into the sexual abuse of Native American children at church-run schools. A 2022 report by her department blamed the U.S. government for the boarding school system and cited the “rampant physical, sexual, and emotional abuse” of the children. But the report did not detail the schools where sexual abuse happened, the number of children raped or molested, or the names of priests and other religious members who abused them.

“We care deeply about this issue, but it’s outside the scope of what we sought to do with the investigative reports,” said an Interior Department official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she was not authorized to speak publicly. The official said the department did not seek records from the Catholic Church because its investigation was focused solely on the U.S. government’s role and reviewed only federal government documents.

Experts say The Post’s findings are a window into the widespread sexual abuse at Indian boarding schools. But the extent of the abuse was probably far worse, because the lists of accused priests are inconsistent and incomplete, and many survivors have not come forward. Others are aging and in poor health, or, like their abusers, have died.

The chances to document their testimonies are disappearing.

“I’ve been waiting 67 years to tell this story,” said Jim LaBelle, 77, an Iñupiaq from Fairbanks, Alaska, who spent six years at the Wrangell Institute, a government-run school in the state, 700 miles from his home. He was forbidden to use his Alaska Native name. From the time he was 8, he was instead identified by number, a new one assigned each year.

The abuse of Native American children predated by decades the revelations that priests at Catholic churches had sexually abused thousands of minors in the United States and other countries. Those scandals of the early 2000s gave Native Americans the courage to come forward with their own stories of abuse and seek accountability through lawsuits.

“It showed that people could stand up against a powerful entity like the church and that people could be held accountable,” said Vito de la Cruz, a Native American and Chicano lawyer who has represented boarding school survivors.

An attempt to sue the federal government failed, but some survivors of sexual abuse have successfully sued Catholic dioceses and religious orders and received settlements.

Unlike children abused by priests at churches in Boston and other big cities while they were living at home, Native American children were put into the care of alleged abusers at remote boarding schools, sometimes hundreds of miles from home.

At some boarding schools, generations of Native American children were continuously under the care of Catholic priests, brothers or sisters who were later accused of sexual abuse.

The Post analysis of records disclosed by Catholic dioceses and religious orders revealed 122 individuals who were accused of sexual abuse and had worked at Indian boarding schools. Each rectangle represents one assignment.

One or more individuals accused of abuse were consistently assigned to St. Ignatius over 66 years.

NUMBER OF CONCURRENT ASSIGNMENTS

St. Ignatius Mission and School (Mont.)*

St. Paul Mission and Boarding School (Mont.) **

St. Francis Indian Mission School (S.D.)

St. Mary Mission School - Andreafsky (Alaska)

St. Mary's Mission School (Wash.)

Holy Cross Boarding School (Alaska)

St. Labre Indian Mission Boarding School (Mont.) **

St. Xavier Mission School (Mont.) **

St. Andrew's Industrial Boarding (Ore.)

St. Mary Mission and School (Kan.)

St. Regis Seminary (Mo.)

Red Cloud Indian School (S.D.)

Copper Valley Boarding School (Alaska)

St. Catherine Indian School (N.M.)

St. Charles Mission School (Mont.)

St. Stephen’s Mission Industrial School (Wyo.)

St. Joseph’s Mission School (Idaho)

Holy Family Mission and School (Mont.)

*20 sisters accused of abusing children worked at St. Ignatius between 1940 and 1975, records show. They are not included because records do not show exact dates of assignments or abuse.

**Includes two brothers and two sisters at St. Paul, one brother at St. Labre and one brother at St. Xavier. All were accused of abuse during specific years, but full assignment dates are unknown.

Note: Others accused of abuse worked at four additional schools. Those schools are not included because records do not list dates of their assignments or when the abuse occurred.

Sources: “Credibly accused” lists from dioceses and Jesuit provinces, ProPublica’s “credibly accused” dataset, and lawsuits.

Eighteen of the 22 schools examined by The Post employed at least one credibly accused priest, sister or brother for 91 consecutive years. At these schools, successive generations of students continuously lived among predators.

“They can scream for help, but no one’s going to hear them or believe them. It’s a perpetrator’s wonderland,” said Patrick J. Wall, a former Catholic priest who once worked for the church as a self-described “fixer” settling child sexual abuse cases. He has since worked with lawyers representing Native American boarding school survivors.

The U.S. government’s efforts to address its legacy of boarding schools lag far behind those of Canada, where survivors were paid billions in compensation and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 2015 declared the schools a form of “cultural genocide.”

Pope Francis traveled to Canada in 2022 to apologize for the church’s role in the “cultural destruction and forced assimilation promoted by the governments of that time.” But the pope has remained silent about the abuse at Catholic-run Indian boarding schools in the United States, which had received little scrutiny until the Interior Department’s report.

Cardinal Christophe Pierre, the Vatican’s ambassador to the United States, known as the apostolic nuncio, did not respond to an email or call for comment.

The church has addressed abuse by priests in U.S. parishes, but has said little about the molestation of children in Indian boarding schools. And although the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops has grappled in recent years with the legacy of the church-run schools, it has not issued a formal apology.

Asked by The Post if the group was considering one, spokesperson Chieko Noguchi said it is “committed to fostering dialogue and engaging in other efforts to reconcile involvement in the boarding school period in the United States.”

“The Catholic Church recognizes and acknowledges that the history that is brought to light regarding the boarding school period of American history may cause deep sorrow in the Native and Indigenous communities, but we also prayerfully hope it may bring real and honest dialogue and lead towards a path of healing and reconciliation with the impacted communities,” Noguchi said.

The Rev. Mike Carson, assistant director for the subcommittee on Native American affairs with the bishops conference, addressed the church’s role in boarding schools last year in a webinar .

“Once abuse surfaced, the schools need[ed] to be closed and investigated. That did not happen for the most part,” Carson said. “Once the federal government required only English to be taught in the Catholic boarding schools, the answer should be no, because it violates our faith and should be a line that should not be crossed.”

Carson acknowledged the sexual and physical abuse of children in the Catholic-run schools and called for more scrutiny of what occurred, but also noted a likely dearth of records.

The Post reached out to Carson, who referred inquiries to the bishops conference.

The Interior Department’s report did not explore the role of the Catholic Church in the schools, except to say the U.S. government paid the church and other religious institutions to run many of the schools.

“I don’t look at it as we’re out to criticize the Catholic Church as much as bring this period of history into the consciousness of the American people,” Haaland told The Post in an interview. “It happened to Native Americans, but the history belongs to everyone who’s an American.”

Boarding school survivors have praised Haaland’s efforts, but say they still want apologies from the president and the pope.

How we reported this series

Reporters Sari Horwitz, Dana Hedgpeth and Scott Higham and photojournalist Salwan Georges spent a year traveling to eight states. They spent time on reservations and interviewed more than two dozen Indian boarding school survivors who were sexually and physically abused as children.

Reporters attended one of Interior Secretary Deb Haaland’s “The Road to Healing” events on the Tulalip Tribes’ reservation in Washington state, where they met with and listened to survivors. Reporters also visited the American Indian Records Repository, located about 100 feet underground in limestone caves in Lenexa, Kan.

Reporters reviewed oral histories and read thousands of boarding school documents in National Archives files.

They also reviewed thousands of pages of court documents, sworn depositions, lawsuits, diaries of priests and sisters, correspondence between priests, and sexual abuse claim forms.

Investigative data reporter Emmanuel Martinez collected lists of Catholic priests who had been credibly accused of sexual abuse and conducted analysis to determine who had worked at Indian boarding schools.

Our investigation into the sexual abuse of children in America’s network of Indian boarding schools found that:

• At least 122 priests, sisters and brothers assigned to 22 Indian boarding schools since 1893 were later accused of sexually abusing Native American children under their care.
• Eighteen of these schools employed at least one credibly accused priest, sister or brother for 91 consecutive years
• The documented abuse involved more than 1,000 children and mostly occurred in the 1950s and 1960s.

Two years ago, the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI), the oldest and largest organization of Native Americans and Alaska Natives, asked for an apology from the pope — and for the church to disclose internal records on abusers.

“The Catholic Church holds important records about Federal Indian boarding schools that can help bring the truth to light. We cannot hold abusers accountable, seek redress for harm, or reconcile with the Church, government institutions, and, in some cases, our own communities and families, until we know the full, unadulterated truth — truth the Catholic Church is actively withholding,” wrote Fawn Sharp, a citizen of the Quinault Nation and the NCAI’s president at the time.

In March, Parker, of the boarding school healing coalition, met at the White House with Tom Perez, a senior adviser and assistant to President Biden, and asked for a presidential apology for the widespread mistreatment and abuse that Native American children suffered at boarding schools.

The White House did not respond to requests for comment.

Advocates have not pushed for reparations from the U.S. government. Parker said doing so now is a “non-starter” because they first want Congress to create a truth and healing commission to uncover the horrors of the schools and the country’s assimilation policy.

“Unfortunately, many, many leaders in this country don’t even know what a U.S. Indian boarding school was,” Parker said. “And that’s the first step.”

St. Mary’s Mission

Colville reservation, wash..

‘Movie nights’

Near the cliffs overlooking the Okanogan River, not far from a sprawling apple orchard in north-central Washington, the Catholic Church established St. Mary’s Mission School in 1886.

St. Mary’s, on the Colville Reservation, was created by federal policy that tasked people of “good moral character” with introducing Native American children to the “habits and arts of civilization” under the Civilization Fund Act of 1819. For Catholic missionaries and other religious groups, the schools were an opportunity to profit from contracts with the federal government and transform children the church saw as heathens into God-fearing disciples of Christianity.

Generations of children attended St. Mary’s before it was turned over to local tribes in 1973. Decades later, one former student’s stories of predatory behavior by a priest set off an avalanche of similar claims about priests at St. Mary’s — and at many other schools.

The account of Katherine Mendez, who was sent to the school in 1966, didn’t become public until 2007, when her nephew, Ken Bear Chief, a paralegal, told his boss that his Aunt Kathy had been molested as a child at St. Mary’s.

Blaine Tamaki, a trial lawyer in Washington state who knew little about Indian boarding schools, interviewed Mendez, then in her early 50s. Mendez, who was from the Cowlitz Indian Tribe, told him that shortly after she arrived at the school at age 11, one of the senior Jesuit priests — John J. Morse — began to prey upon her.

Mendez said Morse often ordered her to his office, sometimes to be disciplined. She said he insisted she sit on his lap, spanked her bare bottom and penetrated her with his fingers. He told her not to say a word about it if she ever wanted to go home again and see her mother, she said.

Mendez thought she was the only one. She wasn’t.

The abuse of children at St. Mary’s spanned more than two decades: Starting in 1948 and for 26 consecutive years, priests or brothers molested children at the school, according to The Post’s analysis. This was the longest uninterrupted stretch of abuse documented at any of the 22 schools. It is unclear whether church officials were aware of the abuse at St. Mary’s at the time.

Other survivors began to share their stories with Bear Chief — who was from the Nez Perce, Nooksack and Gros Ventre tribes — and the lawyers. One of those survivors was Clarita Vargas. She, too, had kept her secret about Morse for decades.

“The church wounded my spirit, took away my soul and robbed me of my childhood,” said Vargas, of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation in Washington. “It was the federal government that promoted the boarding school policy and the church was its arm. I blame them both.”

Vargas said Morse began to abuse her at St. Mary’s Mission in 1968. He told her that if she refused, she would not go to heaven. Sometimes, she said, Morse locked her in a rat-infested cellar.

Morse invited her and several girls to his office most Sunday nights, she said. He gave them hot cocoa, chocolate chip cookies or chocolate bars, and let them watch television. He would lean back in his recliner and place the girls one at a time on his lap, rubbing their backs until he ejaculated, Vargas said.

Tamaki and his lawyers heard repeatedly from other survivors about the “movie nights” that Morse hosted in his office. At Christmas, he gave the children candy canes. “They related the same exact story,” he said.

Some of the survivors said that as children they had tried to tell adults but were rebuffed or not believed. “It was almost like you were accusing God of abusing you if you reported it, because these priests were held up in such high esteem by everyone, second only to God,” said Bryan Smith, Tamaki’s law partner.

Tamaki’s investigation gathered evidence that Morse had molested 60 boys and girls, ages 5 to 15. The lawyers also identified about a dozen more priests at St. Mary’s who abused children from the 1940s into the 1970s.

The case grew to include about 500 former students at a dozen schools in remote Alaska villages and on Northwest tribal lands in Oregon, Washington, Idaho and Montana. The 500 survivors sued the Society of Jesus, Oregon Province, formerly known as the Northwest Jesuits.

“There was a pattern and practice at these schools that were basically unsupervised, isolated outposts,” Tamaki said.

(Salwan Georges/The Washington Post)

The Northwest Jesuits initially denied the allegations. In a 2007 deposition, Morse denied sexually abusing children.

“You’re aware that women now say they feel they were sexually molested by you by sitting on your lap?” a lawyer asked Morse.

“Yeah, and that did not happen,” Morse replied. “There was no molesting while they were sitting there.” Morse died in Spokane in 2015 at age 85.

In February 2009, the Northwest Jesuits filed for bankruptcy. The legal move stopped depositions and some disclosure of church records about individual priests, and prevented a trial, a tactic experts said the church has used many times.

The Jesuits agreed to pay $166 million in 2011 to about 500 survivors as part of a bankruptcy settlement. It is the fourth-largest sexual abuse settlement by Catholic entities to date, according to Terence McKiernan, founder of BishopAccountability.org , a watchdog group that tracks sexual abuse by members of the Catholic Church. Survivors received on average $332,000 each, depending on the severity of abuse, said their lawyers.

As part of the settlement, the Jesuits agreed to make public a list of priests who had been accused of sexually assaulting children.

Two researchers, Jack Downey of the University of Rochester and Kathleen Holscher of the University of New Mexico, later used that list and other Jesuit lists to map the priests’ assignments . They found 47 priests accused of abuse who had been assigned to Catholic missions in Native American communities. The Post’s investigation, which reviewed their data and other records, identified the boarding schools where those priests worked and found 75 additional abusers.

The settlement also required the Jesuits to issue written apologies to the survivors.

“On behalf of the Oregon Province, I want to express our most sincere sorrow for the pain and hurt caused by the actions of a few men who did not live up to their vows,” the Very Rev. Patrick Lee, the senior official of the Oregon Province, wrote of the 64 credibly accused men on the list. “We will continue to pray for all those who are hurting and hope that today’s announcement brings all involved one-step closer to the lasting healing they so richly deserve.”

For many of the survivors, it wasn’t about the money. “It was the acknowledgment they were wronged,” said de la Cruz, the lawyer who represented many of the survivors and is Yaqui. “Finally somebody said, ‘Yes, you’re right. The things that you buried deep inside your psyche and your soul were more our fault.’”

After the settlement, Mendez spoke to reporters.

“When I came forward and saw that others did too, it was as if the blanket that had hidden our secret was pulled off and we could move into the light again,” she said. Mendez died last year.

Vargas now lives about 40 minutes from her old boarding school. For a long time, she blocked out the abuse. But she had difficulty trusting anyone and found it hard to build relationships. As an adult, she never wanted to eat chocolate because that is what the abusive priest used to give the children.

When Vargas eventually told her story to one of the lawyers, she said she felt embarrassed and guilty.

“I shouldn’t have felt ashamed by it, but I was,” Vargas told The Post.

St. Paul Mission and Boarding School

Fort belknap indian reservation, mont..

‘We were little kids’

The allegations of sexual abuse that started with Mendez in Omak led lawyers to discover long-hidden abuse at another school, St. Paul Mission and Boarding School, on the Fort Belknap Indian Reservation, 40 miles from the Canadian border in Hays, Mont.

“It was a dumping ground for predatory priests,” said de la Cruz.

St. Paul, surrounded by grassy plains at the foot of the Little Rocky Mountains, was established in 1889 and was among the first schools funded by the federal government. Both the Jesuits and the Ursuline Sisters, a Catholic order of women, worked there. St. Paul was troubled from the early days, according to descendants of survivors and a collection of about 10,000 pages of letters, diaries, memos, government reports and oral histories reviewed by The Post. Conditions at the overcrowded school were deplorable: poor plumbing, little heat, and horsemeat for food. Abuse was rampant.

The stories of the abuse that children endured at St. Paul and other schools were often passed down orally in Native American families.

George Chandler, a Gros Ventre man born in 1922, said in an oral history about his time as a student at St. Paul that “they would stuff flashlight batteries” in the children’s mouths to punish them. “They would jam it there and hit them like that and make their mouth bleed,” Chandler recounted. “If you cried, they would hit you all the harder. If one didn’t hurt you enough, they would stuff two in there.”

Warren Morin, 60, a member of the Gros Ventre tribe, told The Post that his grandfather told him harrowing stories about St. Paul and said he and the other boys and girls there “lived in hell.” But Morin said his grandfather never said anything to him about sexual abuse.

“If something like that happened to them, they’d take it to the grave,” Morin said.

Survivors of sexual abuse at St. Paul began to share their painful stories as lawyers came to their reservation to investigate.

One of the survivors, the 70-year-old man named Jay, recounted in an interview with The Post how two priests, a brother and a sister sexually abused him at St. Paul. He was 6 when the abuse began in 1959, and it continued until he was 12.

Jay said Sister Sigfrieda Hettinger would tell him to stand before a statue of the Virgin Mary. She would order him to take down his pants and then would perform oral sex. He said she repeated the act with other children.

“We were little kids,” said Jay, a tall, slender man with closely cropped dark hair who still finds it hard to talk about what happened to him so many years ago.

“We didn’t know what to think,” he said. “She would touch us all over and put our face to her breasts. Before she would do these things, she’d make a sign of the cross.”

Hettinger, who worked at St. Paul from 1958 to 1966, denied in a 2015 deposition that she or anyone else at the school sexually abused children.

“I loved them all,” Hettinger said. “I never hurt them at all. I never touched them at all.”

“During the entire period of time, did you ever observe any child being sexually abused by anyone?” a lawyer asked her.

“No, no,” she said.

She died the next year at age 87 in Milwaukee.

At least 19 priests, brothers and sisters were accused of sexually abusing 21 Native American children at St. Paul, primarily in the 1950s and 1960s, according to The Post’s analysis and court records.

One of the Jesuit priests who were accused of preying on children at St. Paul was the Rev. Edmund J. Robinson. From the 1950s through the early 1980s, church officials had moved him from boarding school to boarding school, according to church and court records, lawsuits and an article in the Great Falls Tribune.

The work history of Edmund J. Robinson

From 1956 to 1993, Catholic officials relocated Robinson a dozen times, including repeated assignments at two Indian boarding schools.

Indian boarding school

Other school or church

Robinson was first appointed to St. Paul Mission after ordination. He was accused of sexually abusing multiple children at St. Paul in a 2011 lawsuit.

1956–58 St. Paul Mission (Hays, Mont.)

1958–59

Manresa Hall

(Port Townsend, Wash.)

1959–62 St. Paul Mission (Hays, Mont.)

1962–64 St. Ignatius Mission (St. Ignatius, Mont.)

1964–66 St. Mary’s Mission (Omak, Wash.)

1966–68 St. Paul Mission (Hays, Mont.)

1968–81 St. Ignatius Mission (St. Ignatius, Mont.)

1981–85 Sacred Heart Mission (De Smet, Idaho)

1985–86 St. Luke’s Church (Woodburn, Ore.)

1986–87 St. Jude’s Church (Havre, Mont.)

1987–89 St. Thomas’ Church (Harlem, Mont.)

1989–93 St. Stanislaus’ Church (Lewiston, Idaho)

Note: According to church records, Robinson stayed at Servants of the Paraclete, a treatment center in Jemez Springs, N.M., in 1984 and 1985. The exact timing of his stay is unknown. In 1993, Robinson retired in Spokane, Wash. He died in 2014.

Source: Jesuits West list of “Credible Claims of Sexual Abuse of a Minor or Vulnerable Adult.”

1987–89

St. Thomas’ Church

1986–87

St. Mary’s Mission

St. Jude’s Church

Port Townsend

1956–58

1959–62

1985–86

1962–64

1966–68

1968–81

St. Luke’s Church

St. Paul Mission

St. Ignatius Mission

1989–93

St. Ignatius

St. Stanislaus’ Church

1981–85

Sacred Heart Mission

That was the church’s pattern for many predatory priests, according to former church insiders and attorneys for the survivors. “It was remove, hide, shuffle,” said one of those lawyers, Dan Fasy.

Robinson, known as “Father Eddy,” started his career in the mid-1950s at St. Paul. Shortly after he arrived, he allegedly sexually abused a child. He then went to a Jesuit priests’ training college but returned to St. Paul, where he was later accused of sexually assaulting two more children. He was then moved to another boarding school, St. Ignatius Mission — 400 miles away in Montana — where he allegedly sexually abused a 5-year-old.

Robinson had been replaced at St. Paul by the Rev. Arnold Custer — who was also later accused of sexually abusing a child, according to court documents, local media reports, and watchdog groups that monitor predatory priests. Custer has since died.

In 1984, letters between church authorities showed that Robinson was being treated at the Servants of the Paraclete in Jemez Springs, N.M., a facility for troubled priests, according to church and court records.

In New Mexico, Robinson said that he realized “something was wrong within him and that he must do something about it,” according to a November 1984 mental health evaluation obtained by The Post. One of the men involved in Robinson’s “spiritual direction” at Servants of the Paraclete was later accused of sexually abusing multiple children, records show. The center discharged Robinson the next year and he served at several other Catholic parishes until the early 1990s.

During his time as a priest, Robinson was accused of sexually abusing nine boys and girls at several boarding schools, records show. Robinson spent more than two decades working at Indian boarding schools, and served at St. Paul Mission on three separate occasions.

In 2018, the Jesuits West Province included Robinson’s name on a publicly released list of credibly accused priests.

Robinson had died in 2014 after spending the last years of his life at the Regis Community in Spokane, Wash. — like other Jesuits accused of sexually assaulting minors, according to the Jesuits West list of credibly accused priests, court documents, interviews with lawyers and local media reports.

In 2021, the Jesuit Conference released a statement about Indian boarding schools, saying, “We regret our participation in the separation of families and the suppression of Native languages, cultures and sacred ways of life.” Two years later, Jesuits West launched a website to address the role of the Jesuits in operating Indian boarding schools.

St. Paul’s and St. Francis Indian mission schools

Yankton sioux reservation and rosebud reservation in s.d..

‘We are not going away’

One by one, starting in the 1950s, Geraldine Charbonneau Dubourt and her eight sisters from the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa were sent more than 400 miles away from their North Dakota home to St. Paul’s Indian Mission School in Marty, S.D., on the Yankton Sioux Reservation.

Dubourt, who attended St. Paul’s from 1955 to 1967, said that starting when she was 6, a priest fondled her on the playground, according to an affidavit. When she was a teenager, a different priest repeatedly raped her, she said. One of Dubourt’s sisters said that when she was 9, she was raped by a priest on a kitchen table. A third sister said that a priest “would take me down to the basement and have me perform oral sex on him.” He also showed her an area where coffins were stored. “One time he put me inside a coffin and I thought I would die,” she said in an affidavit.

In 2008, the nine siblings sued 12 priests, sisters and school workers over alleged abuse, in a case that became known as “The Nine Little Girls” and was covered by the Indian Country press, including by Native News Online . They also sued the Catholic Diocese of Sioux Falls and three religious groups.

The Sioux Falls Diocese and the religious organizations denied wrongdoing and said they had no responsibility for the priests, sisters and school employees, who have all since died. The diocese did not respond to a request for comment.

In 2010, shortly before the case was set to go to trial, the South Dakota legislature passed a law that prohibits victims of alleged sexual abuse who are 40 or older from suing institutions.

While many states have extended deadlines for filing sexual abuse lawsuits, South Dakota — which had 35 Indian boarding schools — is one state that took action to make it nearly impossible for aging survivors to seek justice, according to Marci A. Hamilton, an expert on child sex abuse statutes of limitation and the founder and CEO of Child USA, a nonprofit group working to end child abuse.

“What’s unbelievable is that since 2002, we’ve had 293 laws passed in the United States that extend the statute of limitations” for sexual abuse victims, Hamilton said. But “this law rolls it back rather than making it more generous.”

Steve Smith, a South Dakota lawyer who represented a Catholic congregation that ran an Indian boarding school in the state, wrote the legislation that changed the statute of limitations. The boarding school that his client ran had faced numerous lawsuits filed by former students who said they were sexually abused there. Protecting the congregation from further litigation was a motivating factor, Smith told The Post.

A series of court rulings eventually led to the dismissal of the suit brought by the Charbonneau sisters, along with lawsuits by more than 100 other survivors.

“The passage of the legislation was the catalyst for the sisters’ case and numerous other cases being shut down statewide,” said Gregory A. Yates, the lawyer who represented the South Dakota survivors. “The effect was to revictimize these survivors of childhood sexual abuse.”

Smith said in an interview that he “absolutely” believes that the nine sisters were molested at St. Paul’s.

“There is no doubt in my mind in just listening to them that they are sincere in their story,” Smith said. But he said that individual abusers should be held responsible — not churches or religious institutions.

Dubourt, with long gray hair, is now in poor health. She is still passionate about wanting accountability from the church and the state for what happened to her as a child. For nearly a decade, she and her sisters dressed in long Native American ribbon skirts and protested at the South Dakota Capitol, in Pierre, to try to get the law changed.

“If we die, we’ll go away,” Dubourt told The Post. “Other than that, we are not going away.” Three of her sisters have died.

Dubourt said she and her sisters still carry the abuse they suffered as children at St. Paul’s Indian Mission School.

“You just set it on the back burner for a minute so you can survive,” she said.

South Dakota’s law would have prevented the aging survivors of sexual abuse at another school, St. Francis Indian Mission School, from suing the church. But lawyers found “smoking gun” letters in church files that showed that church officials had “covered up” evidence of abuse, Yates said. The letters allowed the lawyers to successfully argue under a different statute that a Catholic order had fraudulently concealed evidence of sexual abuse, he said.

The lawyers discovered the letters in 2011 after two women who had attended St. Francis, on the Rosebud Reservation, said they were abused, Yates said. The letters revealed that priests knew that a colleague, Brother Francis Chapman, known as “Chappy,” was molesting children.

“Chappy had his problems — drinking to excess, fooling around with little girls — he had them down the basement of our building in the dark, where we found a pair of panties torn,” a priest named Richard T. Jones wrote to a fellow cleric in 1968.

Jones, who has since died, wrote that a person working at the mission didn’t want Chapman around children, but made no mention of action being taken.

Three years later, the Rev. Bernard D. Fagan, a superior at the St. Francis school, wrote to a church official that Chapman was involved in another incident “similar to those of the past.” Fagan said they decided to “counsel with him rather strongly in the hope that future incidents would be avoided.”

Fagan himself later admitted in a 1994 letter to a Diocese of Rapid City official that he sexually abused 12 Native American girls.

In 2015, the two former St. Francis students who sued received confidential settlements for abuse they suffered from Chapman, Yates said.

Both Chapman and Fagan have since died. In 2019, both were identified by the Rapid City Diocese as priests credibly accused of sexual abuse of a minor.

“Let us all pray for reparation for the sins and failings of those who abused their power and authority which led to the injury of others, especially our children,” the Most Rev. Robert D. Gruss, then the bishop of Rapid City, wrote in disclosing their names.

Chapman was one of 10 alleged abusers at the school, The Post’s analysis shows. Starting in 1942 with his employment and for the next 61 years, the school continuously employed at least one priest or brother accused of sexually assaulting or raping children.

The Road to Healing

‘They were stolen’

On a recent afternoon at the Interior Department’s headquarters, Secretary Haaland pointed to framed photos of her parents and grandparents in her office, which is decorated with Native American paintings, pottery and blankets.

Haaland, a member of the Pueblo of Laguna tribe of New Mexico and a Catholic, said that when her grandmother was little, she and other children were rounded up by a priest in their village and put on a train to a boarding school in Santa Fe, about 100 miles from her home. Her great-grandfather was sent more than 1,000 miles to one of the nation’s first federal boarding schools, in Carlisle, Pa., where the founder’s philosophy was: “Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.”

“They were stolen,” she said.

When Haaland was still a member of Congress in 2020, she introduced legislation to create the first commission in U.S. history to investigate and document America’s Indian boarding schools.

The legislation was reintroduced last year in the Senate and this year in the House — but has not reached the floor for a vote in either chamber. The commission would have subpoena power, which could be used to compel the Catholic Church and other religious institutions that ran the schools to disclose their internal documents about boarding schools, experts said.

The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops has not taken a position on the legislation, said Noguchi, the group’s spokesperson.

After the 2021 discovery of 215 unmarked graves at the former Kamloops Indian Residential School in Canada, Haaland, by this time Biden’s interior secretary, launched her investigation into U.S. Indian boarding schools.

Canada was a role model for such an effort, advocates said.

The Canadian government had created a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and the prime minister issued a formal apology in 2008 after settling a massive class-action suit brought by school survivors. Seven years later, the commission reported that about half of the 78,748 survivors who filed claims said they were sexually or seriously physically abused. Nearly half of the 146 schools were run by Catholic organizations, according to the National Center for Truth and Reconciliation in Canada.

But the U.S. government inquiry isn’t as far-reaching as that of Canada, which spent about $6 billion Canadian on its boarding school investigation, including compensation to survivors. The U.S. Congress has appropriated $21 million over the last three years for the Interior Department’s ongoing inquiry.

During that time, Haaland’s team has been sifting through tens of millions of pages of U.S. government records to piece together the history of boarding schools for a series of reports. The records, many on fragile onion skin paper, include attendance reports, contracts and correspondence. Documents are scattered across the country at the National Archives, universities, tribal offices and local historical societies. Nearly 100 feet underground in limestone caves in Lenexa, Kan., thousands of boxes of additional records on Native Americans and their education are stored in a temperature-controlled federal repository.

A 1928 investigation commissioned by the federal government called the Meriam Report chastised the schools for the mistreatment and malnourishment of students. A 1969 congressional inquiry condemned the schools for trying to destroy Native American culture, laying the groundwork for ending the government’s assimilation policy in the boarding school system. But neither investigation mentioned sexual abuse, and archived documents from the 1969 report contain no evidence that the matter was ever examined.

The Interior Department’s 2022 report, written by Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs Bryan Newland, a citizen of the Bay Mills Indian Community (Ojibwe), said Native American boys experienced more physical and sexual abuse in the schools than girls. But it does not go further, and Interior officials said the abuse was rarely — if ever — recorded in government files.

“I doubt that you could find a lot of Catholic records or federal government records about abuse and neglect toward the students,” Haaland said.

Interior’s report, instead, focused on the history of the boarding school era and how it targeted Native American, Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian children. It was the first government effort to count the schools and list their locations. The report also revealed that at least 500 boys and girls died at the schools — and that the number could “be in the thousands or tens of thousands.” Many were buried in unmarked graves at schools, the report said.

As part of her effort, Haaland traveled to 12 places across the country, from Oklahoma to Alaska, on what she called “The Road to Healing” tour. For up to eight hours a day, she listened to stories of physical and sexual abuse told by survivors and their descendants. Survivor stories are being compiled by the healing coalition and the Interior Department into an oral history project that may be displayed by the Smithsonian National Museum of American History.

For many, Haaland’s listening sessions were the first chance to confront the government and say out loud what happened to them.

One afternoon in April 2023, hundreds of survivors packed into a cavernous hall supported by giant cedar columns on the Tulalip Tribes’ reservation in Washington state. After an opening ceremony of Native American drumming and singing, Haaland and Newland took their seats at the front. One by one, elderly boarding school survivors stood to tell their stories.

Nancy Shippentower of the Puyallup Tribe said her husband had been sexually abused at a boarding school in Oregon when he was little. “He said that he was an altar boy and he was raped by the priests,” she said. “He was sexually abused by the nuns. And his hands were beat black and blue.”

When Matthew War Bonnet, 78, of the Sicangu Lakota tribe, stood up and began to speak, a hush fell over the room.

At age 6, War Bonnet had been sent to the St. Francis Indian Mission School in Rosebud, S.D. War Bonnet said he and other children were beaten so badly that they were often sent to the infirmary for treatment.

War Bonnet held up replicas of a rope and a strap used to lash children as punishment. The rope was four strands tied together. They called it the “Jesus rope,” War Bonnet said.

The strap carried strands of razor-sharp metal strips.

“This strap taught me not to feel,” said War Bonnet, his voice cracking.

A year later, in her Washington office, Haaland singled out his testimony among the hundreds of accounts she had heard. Tears filled her eyes.

“It’s a terrible, horrific, devastating history,” Haaland said. “You name the worst thing that you could imagine happening to people and it happened to Indigenous people right here in this country.”

About this story

The Post is examining the legacy of America’s network of Indian boarding schools. Do you have a tip or story idea for our investigation? Email our team at [email protected] .

Reporting by Sari Horwitz , Dana Hedgpeth , Emmanuel Martinez and Scott Higham . Photography by Salwan Georges .

Additional reporting by Alice Crites, Riley Ceder and Ben Baker.

Graphics by Janice Kai Chen . Design and development by Natalie Vineberg . Additional development by Jake Crump .

Editing by David S. Fallis , Sarah Childress and Wendy Galietta . Additional editing by Jenna P iro g , Martha Murdock, Jay Wang and Courtney Kan .

Design editing by Madison Walls . Photo editing by Robert Miller . Photo research by Troy Witcher . Graphic editing by Emily M. Eng . Data editing by Meghan Hoyer .

Additional support from Cameron Barr, Kathy Baird, Matthew Callahan , Brandon Carter , Matt Clough , Maddie Driggers, Stephanie Hays , Jeff Leen, Jenna Lief, Jordan Melendrez, Sarah Murray, Amy Nakamura, Kyley Schultz , Erica Snow and Peter Wallsten .

Methodology

The Post identified Catholic priests, sisters and brothers who were accused of sexual abuse and worked at Indian boarding schools by reviewing their employment histories.

To establish school locations, The Post relied on data provided by the National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition , or NABS, and the U.S. Interior Department, identifying 523 schools.

The Catholic Church ran or was affiliated with 82 boarding schools, according to NABS and other boarding school documents. Reporters identified the dioceses and religious orders for 72 schools based on information from Catholic Truth & Healing , a group of archivists and historians who conduct boarding school research.

While the Catholic Church operated the most schools of any religious group, some schools were run by Presbyterians, Quakers, Methodists and other groups. By the 1980s, most of the boarding schools had closed or been turned over to the tribes or successor organizations to run.

Reporters focused on schools operated by the Catholic Church because of the availability of records and lawsuits by former students alleging sexual abuse. These records include lists of priests and members of religious orders who have been publicly identified by their dioceses or orders as being accused of “credible" or “established” claims of sexual abuse.

There is no standard for inclusion on these lists. In some cases, the allegations have been investigated by dioceses or provinces and determined to have merit; in others, the claims could not be investigated because too much time had passed or the alleged abuser had died.

The Jesuits West Province, for example, say its list includes members “against whom a credible claim of sexual abuse of a minor (under the age of 18) or a vulnerable adult has been made.” It notes that inclusion “does not imply that the claims are true and correct or that the accused individual has been found guilty of a crime or liable for civil claims.” It says anyone named on a list has been removed from the ministry.

Experts caution that the lists are incomplete: Most disclose only clergy members and those who served after the 1950s. Some of the lists fail to include any information about where people worked, the dates of employment or the years of abuse.

The Post compiled more than a dozen lists of priests, brothers and sisters accused of sexual abuse and built a data set of the names of more than 5,000 churches, missions and schools to which they had been assigned. Reporters then searched the data set and identified Indian boarding schools based on their name and location.

From the diocesan lists, reporters identified 64 priests, 20 sisters and 11 brothers who worked at 17 schools, most of them in Montana, South Dakota and Alaska. Some had been assigned to a school as early as the 1890s, and one had worked as recently as 2003 at an institution that assumed control of a boarding school.

The Post also identified two priests, one brother and an additional school by reviewing ProPublica’s data set of members of the Catholic Church accused of sexual misconduct. Through lawsuits, reporters found 24 additional priests, brothers and sisters who worked at four other boarding schools.

To calculate consecutive years of employment and abuse reported at individual schools, The Post included only individuals for whom specific years of work and abuse were known.

The Post used data from BishopAccountability.org to fill in missing assignment histories. For 20 people, there were no assignment dates. The Post was unable to identify when 13 individuals worked at four schools because of missing employment dates.

The reporting for the investigation also drew on information collected by journalist Mary Annette Pember and her work at Indian Country Today , as well as stories by Native News Online , Global Sisters Report , Reuters , Desolate Country , Huffington Post , South Dakota Public Radio and the Great Falls Tribune in Montana. Also reviewed was the U.S. Interior Department’s Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative Investigative Report . Other resources included “ Education for Extinction ,” by David Wallace Adams; “ American Indian Education: A History ,” by Jon Reyhner and Jeanne Eder; and “ Battlefield & Classroom ,” by Richard Henry Pratt.

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Dozens more former youth inmates sue over alleged sexual abuse at Illinois detention centers

Donzell, who alleges sexual abuse while in the custody of the Illinois Department of Corrections and Department of Juvenile Justice, reads from a prepared statement as Luke Matthews, left, listens during a news conference as Donzell, left, listens Monday, June 3, 2024, in Chicago. Dozens more former youth inmates filed lawsuits Friday, seeking millions of dollars in damages for sexual abuse they allegedly endured at Illinois detention centers dating back to the late 1990s. (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

Attorney Todd Mathews, right, stands with Luke Matthews, 1st left, and Michael, middle, who allege sexual abuse while in the custody of the Illinois Department of Corrections and Department of Juvenile Justice during a news conference Monday, June 3, 2024, in Chicago. Dozens more former youth inmates filed lawsuits Friday, seeking millions of dollars in damages for sexual abuse they allegedly endured at Illinois detention centers dating back to the late 1990s. (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

Luke Matthews, center, who alleges sexual abuse while in the custody of the Illinois Department of Corrections and Department of Juvenile Justice, addresses reporters as Michael, left, and Jermaine Bell, listen during a news conference as Donzell, left, listens Monday, June 3, 2024, in Chicago. Dozens more former youth inmates filed lawsuits Friday, seeking millions of dollars in damages for sexual abuse they allegedly endured at Illinois detention centers dating back to the late 1990s. (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

Attorney Jerome Block, center, stands with Donzell, left, and Michael, who allege sexual abuse while in the custody of the Illinois Department of Corrections and Department of Juvenile Justice during a news conference Monday, June 3, 2024, in Chicago. Dozens more former youth inmates filed lawsuits Friday, seeking millions of dollars in damages for sexual abuse they allegedly endured at Illinois detention centers dating back to the late 1990s. (AP Photo/Charles Rex Arbogast)

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Dozens more former youth inmates filed lawsuits seeking millions of dollars in damages for sexual abuse they allegedly endured at Illinois detention centers dating back to the late 1990s.

Thirteen women and 95 men filed two separate lawsuits Friday in the Illinois Court of Claims against the state Department of Corrections and the state Department of Juvenile Justice. Each plaintiff is seeking $2 million in damages, the most allowed under law.

“This is just outrageous misconduct by the state of Illinois, by the juvenile justice system, that has persisted for decades and it has to stop,” Jerome Block, one of the former inmates’ attorneys, said during a news conference Monday.

Department of Juvenile Justice officials issued a statement Monday afternoon saying they were aware of the lawsuits “related to allegations under prior administrations.” They said the department takes youth safety seriously and that all allegations of staff misconduct are immediately investigated, often in partnership with the state Department of Corrections, the Illinois State Police and the Department of Children and Family Services.

They added that all staff working at their facilities undergo background checks as well as receive training and ongoing professional development.

The filings are packed with disturbing allegations that guards, teachers and counselors at eight juvenile detention centers around the state sexually assaulted inmates between 1997 and 2019. Often the same perpetrators would assault the same children for months, sometimes offering to shorten their sentences or giving them snacks or extra free time in exchange for their silence, according to the lawsuits.

One female plaintiff alleged she was 15 years old when she was housed at a detention center in Warrenville in 2012. A guard groped her under her clothes and on another occasion attempted to rape her in a shower area. The guard said he would put her in solitary confinement if she told anyone. The woman went on to allege that another guard sexually assaulted her in a bathroom and then gave her a Butterfinger candy bar.

A male plaintiff alleged he was 13 years old when he was housed at a detention center in St. Charles in 1997. Two guards gave him food, extra time outside his cell and extra television time as a reward for engaging in sex with them, he alleged. When he reported the abuse, the guards locked him inside his cell as punishment, he said. The plaintiff said he was transferred to two other detention centers in Warrenville and Valley View. Guards at those centers groped him as well.

A plaintiff identified as M.B. in the male inmates’ lawsuit appeared at the news conference. According to the lawsuit, he was 17 when he was housed at a now-shuttered facility in Murphysboro in 2009.

A guard regularly sexually assaulted him while he was cleaning the facility’s solitary confinement and mental health unit, the lawsuit alleges. The guard told him that he would add five years to his sentence if he ever told anyone and gave him Gatorade and chips as a reward for enduring the assaults. M.B. filed a grievance but no one ever followed up, according to the lawsuit.

“That experience messed me up to the point where I’m going through a lot even now, to this day,” M.B. said at the news conference. “It gave me the message that no one cared about me, that I’m less than human. The code of secrecy that has allowed sexual abuse must end.”

The lawsuits note that a 2013 U.S. Department of Justice survey of incarcerated youth found Illinois was among the four worst states nationwide for sexual abuse in detention facilities.

The former youth inmates’ attorneys have filed similar lawsuits around the country.

Last month, they sued on behalf of 95 other former youth inmates who allege they were sexually abused at Illinois juvenile detention centers between 1997 and 2017. Each of those plaintiffs is seeking $2 million as well. The state Department of Justice said in a statement in response to that lawsuit that those alleged incidents took place under former department leaders.

Block said during the news conference that blaming past administrations does not equate to taking responsibility. Such widespread, severe sexual abuse can’t happen without negligence, he said, and he’s seen nothing to indicate conditions the juvenile centers have improved.

The three Illinois lawsuits bring the total number of plaintiffs to more than 200.

The inmates’ attorneys also filed an action in Pennsylvania in May alleging 66 people who are now adults were victimized by guards, nurses and supervisors in that state’s juvenile detention system. The Illinois and Pennsylvania lawsuits follow other actions in Maryland , Michigan and New York City.

Some cases have gone to trial or resulted in settlements but arrests have been infrequent.

In New Hampshire, more than 1,100 former residents of the state’s youth detention center have filed lawsuits since 2020 alleging physical or sexual abuse spanning six decades. The first lawsuit went to trial last month, and a jury awarded the plaintiff $38 million , though the amount remains disputed. Eleven former state workers have been arrested, and more than 100 more are named in the lawsuits.

This story has been corrected to show the end date of allegations in the newest lawsuit was 2019, not 2013.

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Breeder Ordered to Pay $35 Million for Mistreating Beagles

Inotiv, whose subsidiaries pleaded guilty to two criminal counts, agreed to pay the record-setting amount. More than 4,000 beagles were rescued in 2022 from its facility in Virginia, where many were ill and injured.

By Jesus Jiménez

A medical research company that bred dogs agreed on Monday to pay $35 million as part of a plea agreement for the mistreatment of more than 4,000 beagles that had to be rescued from its breeding facility in 2022 in Virginia, federal prosecutors said. The fine was the largest amount in an animal welfare case.

As part of the deal, Inotiv, which controls Envigo RMS LLC and Envigo Global Services, must continue to not breed dogs and will be on probation for up to five years, according to prosecutors and the company.

Envigo RMS LLC pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Charlottesville, Va., on Monday to conspiring to knowingly violate the Animal Welfare Act, and Envigo Global Services pleaded guilty to a felony of conspiring to knowingly violate the Clean Water Act.

A formal sentencing is scheduled for Oct. 7.

Inotiv ceased operations at its facility in Cumberland County, Va., in September 2022 to resolve a separate civil lawsuit, according to the company. The federal government filed the suit against Envigo in May 2022, claiming that it had failed to humanely care for thousands of beagles at the facility. A multiday search of the facility that month found that more than 100 dogs and puppies were in “acute distress.” Others were dehydrated, underfed, injured or living in poor conditions, including one building that did not have air conditioning.

Prosecutors said that Envigo Global Services also did not properly run its wastewater treatment plan at the Cumberland facility, which led to “massive” illegal discharges that entered the local waterway.

Inotiv will pay $11 million for each of the two violations to which it pleaded guilty. It will also pay about $1.1 million to the Virginia Animal Fighting Task Force, $1.9 million to the Humane Society of the United States, and $3.5 million to the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation, prosecutors said. The company’s entities must also pay spend at least $7 million to improve their facilities.

Christopher R. Kavanaugh, the U.S. attorney for the Western District of Virginia, said in a statement on Monday that “Envigo promoted a business culture that prioritized profit and convenience over following the law.”

“This callous approach led to dire consequences: the inhumane treatment of animals and the contamination of our waterway,” he said.

At a news conference on Monday, Mr. Kavanaugh said that from 2019 to May 2022, Envigo sold more than 15,000 beagles from the Cumberland facility, generating $16 million in revenue. The company has about 20 locations across North America and Europe, he said.

In a statement of contrition on Monday, Inotiv said that “we fell short of our standards for animal and environmental welfare and apologize to the public for the harm caused by our conduct.”

“In resolving this matter, we renew our commitment to maintaining the highest standards of animal care, as well as to the communities and environments in which we operate,” the company said.

Inspections at the Cumberland facility dating back to July 2021 documented a long history of mistreatment to the beagles, where they often lived surrounded by feces and food waste, according to court records. More than 300 dogs had died at the facility of “unknown causes” over the years, court records show.

Many of the animals that Inotiv had in its breeding operation were going to be used for research and testing. After news spread of the poor conditions the dogs were living in and calls from lawmakers, a federal judge approved a plan in July 2022 to secure the dogs.

More than 4,000 beagles were rescued from the Cumberland facility in summer 2022. That’s when dozens of volunteers and workers at animal shelters across the country mobilized to care for them and nurse them back to health before they could be adopted by families across the country .

Jesus Jiménez covers breaking news, online trends and other subjects. He is based in New York City. More about Jesus Jiménez

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• Ind Psychiatry J
• v.26(1); Jan-Jun 2017

Child sexual abuse: the suffering untold

Kalpana srivastava.

Department of Psychiatry, AFMC, Pune, Maharashtra, India

Suprakash Chaudhury

1 Department of Psychiatry, DY Patil Medical College, Pune, Maharashtra, India

Prajakta Patkar

Child abuse is unfortunately prevalent worldwide. It includes a plethora of physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violation or maltreatment targeted at an individual <18 years of age. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines child abuse and child maltreatment as “all forms of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment or commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child's health, survival, development or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility, trust or power.” Child sexual abuse (CSA) is defined by the WHO as “the involvement of a child in sexual activity that he or she does not fully comprehend and is unable to give informed consent to, or for which the child is not developmentally prepared, or else that violate the laws or social taboos of society.”[ 1 ] In many developing countries, including India, there is a lack of awareness and understanding about the prevalence and adverse repercussions of the crisis. Globalization and economic liberalization with the resultant socioeconomic transformation and a major trend to urbanization in India have contributed to the increased vulnerability of children and adolescents to different and novel forms of abuse. The term “Child Abuse” may have different meanings in different cultural environments and socioeconomic situations. Above all, a universal definition of child abuse in the Indian settings has not yet been defined.

The dynamics of CSA differ from those of adult sexual abuse. Children rarely disclose sexual abuse immediately after the event. Moreover, the disclosure tends to be a process rather than a single episode and is often initiated following a physical complaint or a change in behavior. The mental and physical trauma faced by the survivor of CSA is unimaginable, especially in a society where blaming the victim is the norm. Despite this, CSA is an issue which is neither addressed nor discussed, but is avoided, neglected, or brushed under the carpet. This is obvious from the fact that until recently people could not be punished for reprehensible behavior toward children including sexual abuse (not amounting to intercourse), mental harassment, and even being used for pornography had no laws against them. To remedy the situation, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences 2012 act was promulgated. The law has made a difference; there is increased awareness and there is a rapid increase in the number of cases registered under the act.[ 2 ] Unfortunately, despite the new law, the situation on the ground remains more or less unchanged.

Although poverty is strongly associated with CSA, it is equally prevalent in affluent societies across a wide range of religious and cultural backgrounds. In India, there is a trend away from joint to nuclear families, with both parents holding jobs to accommodate the ever-increasing financial demands. As a result, more often than not, young children are usually left to take care of themselves or have to be left in care of crèches. This makes the kids even more vulnerable to being abused. In rural and semi-urban India where child labor is still a predominant hazard in society, children are physically as well as sexually put to a test.

The global figures of prevalence of CSA are mind-boggling. In 2002, the WHO estimated that worldwide 150 million females and 73 million males under the age of 18 years suffered CSA.[ 3 ] A meta-analysis of 65 studies from 22 nations revealed that CSA occurred in 19.7% of girls and 7.9% of boys. The prevalence of CSA in Africa, Asia, America, and Europe was 34.4%, 23.9%, 10.1%, and 9.2%, respectively. South Africa had the highest prevalence of CSA for both men (60.9%) and women (43.7%). For men, the second highest prevalence of CSA was found in Jordan (27%), followed by Tanzania (25%), Israel (15.7%), Spain (13.4%), Australia (13%), and Costa Rica (12.8%). The prevalence rates of CSA for men in the remaining countries were <10%. For women, the second highest prevalence of CSA was seen in Australia (37.8%), followed by Costa Rica (32.2%), Tanzania (31.0%), Israel (30.7%), Sweden (28.1%), the United States (25.3%), and Switzerland (24.2%). The authors also mentioned that the lower rate for males may not reflect the reality; there may be underreporting of male CSA due to intense shame and fear of being labeled a sissy (if the perpetrator was a female) or homosexual (if the perpetrator was male) or weak.[ 4 ]

Indian children, at 440 million, constitute 19% of the world's population of children. India also has the dubious distinction of having the largest number of CSA cases in the world.[ 5 ] While the actual figures of CSA in India are not known, a few well-planned studies have been conducted. In 1998, the first survey of CSA in India reported a prevalence of 76%.[ 6 ] On the other hand, an United Nations International Children Education Fund study during 2005–2013 reported that CSA in Indian girls was 42%.[ 7 ] In 2007, a major state-sponsored survey in India reported the prevalence of CSA as 53%. A major finding of the study was that “persons known to the child or in a position of trust and responsibility” were the perpetrators of CSA in half of the cases. Widespread abuse was prevalent in almost all states. An analysis of different evidence groups revealed that the highest percentage of children who faced sexual abuse were those at work (61.61%), followed by on streets (54.51%), in family environment (53.18%), in schools (49.92%), and in institutional care (47.08%). Assam (57.27%) followed by Delhi (41%), Andhra Pradesh (33.87%), and Bihar (33.27%) had the highest prevalence of severe sexual abuse.[ 8 ]

The ripple effects of CSA can be difficult to pinpoint, even though abuse may affect every area of an individual's life. These effects might not necessarily be permanent but can be overwhelming. Childhood mental disorders are significantly more common in children with sexual abuse and the risk is higher in boys than girls. CSA can damage the child's self-concept, sense of trust, and perception of the world as a relatively safe place, irrespective of gender. Substantial research has revealed that children who have undergone CSA face a wide variety of emotional and behavioral problems.[ 9 ] Significantly higher prevalence of anxiety disorders, personality disorders, organic disorders, childhood mental disorders, and conduct disorders was observed in male survivors of CSA. On the other hand, significantly higher prevalence of major affective disorders, anxiety disorders, personality disorders, organic disorders, childhood mental disorders, and conduct disorders was seen in female survivors of CSA.[ 10 ] A study carried out on prospective data from 831 children and parents participating in the Longitudinal Studies on Child Abuse and Neglect found a risk of more intimidation and physical assault in subsequent peer relationships; however, no gender differences were noted to be present.[ 11 ] History of CSA was also found to be associated with high-risk sexual behavior among adolescents, of which unprotected sexual intercourse was the most common.[ 12 ] Consequences of CSA are summarized in Table 1 .[ 13 , 14 ]

Consequences of child sexual abuse

Among the psychiatric disorders in childhood, a close association of conduct disorder with CSA has been reported. In preadolescent children, sexual abuse often leads to posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), attention deficit, obsessive-compulsive disorder, depression, and phobic and conduct disorders. In adolescent children, the experience of CSA has a strong association with feelings of hopelessness, suicidal ideation, and suicidal attempt.[ 15 ]

CSA, especially involving rape prior to 16 years of age, is strongly associated with psychosis.[ 16 ] A longitudinal cohort study of more than 1000 children from New Zealand revealed that the prevalence of substance use disorder, major depression, anxiety disorder, conduct disorder, and suicidal behaviors was significantly higher among those who reported CSA when compared with those who did not report CSA. There was a positive relationship between the risk of disorder and extent of CSA, with the highest risk of disorder in those had suffered forcible intercourse during abuse.[ 12 ] A systematic review and meta-analysis of 37 longitudinal, epidemiological studies with 3,162,318 participants found a significant association between sexual abuse and anxiety disorder, depression, eating disorders, PTSD, sleep disorders, and suicidal attempts but not with schizophrenia or somatoform disorders.[ 17 ]

Children very often do not disclose their horrible “secret” and suffer in silence. However, CSA usually causes strong emotions including fear, confusion, shame, guilt, anger, betrayal, helplessness, depression, and despair. Survivors of CSA may consider themselves as different, dirty, and damaged. Due to various emotional, social, and cultural reasons, survivors of CSA may not be able to articulate their experiences and feelings. A major reason for this is that the children are traumatized and are unaware of the suitable words to communicate their experience. CSA has long-lasting adverse effects on mental health. Effects may be immediate, intermediate, and long term.

It is imperative to appreciate that means should be available to provide therapy to enable survivors to heal, the absence of which may adversely affect their sexuality, behavior, and emotions for life.