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Article I: Congress Quiz

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Questions and Answers

Which of these actions is forbidden by the constitution.

• Creating a law ex post facto (correct)
• Declaring war
• Admitting new states
• Maintaining a military

What does Article 1, Section 7 of the Constitution explain?

The process for creating a law.

Which is an example of an expressed power Congress holds?

Declaring war and maintaining a military.

After a bill has been introduced, what happens next in the lawmaking process?

<p>It is reviewed in committee.</p> Signup and view all the answers

What is the focus of Article I of the Constitution?

<p>Describing the powers and structure of the legislative branch.</p> Signup and view all the answers

According to the Constitution, how long is a senator's term?

<p>Six years.</p> Signup and view all the answers

Congress has the expressed financial power to

<p>Create and collect new taxes.</p> Signup and view all the answers

Which of these is an expressed power of Congress?

<p>Admitting new states.</p> Signup and view all the answers

A bill can have a second chance after a veto.

<p>True</p> Signup and view all the answers

Why is the Necessary and Proper Clause a source of ongoing debate?

<p>The clause deals with specified powers that are ambiguous and misinterpreted.</p> Signup and view all the answers

Study Notes

General overview of article i.

• Article I outlines the powers and structure of the legislative branch of the U.S. government.
• Establishes Congress, which includes the Senate and the House of Representatives.

Legislative Process

• The process for creating a law is detailed in Article 1, Section 7 of the Constitution.
• After a bill is introduced, it undergoes committee review before further consideration.
• A vetoed bill can be reconsidered, allowing for a potential second chance.

Powers of Congress

• Declaring war and maintaining military forces.
• Admitting new states into the Union.
• Creating and collecting taxes.

Term Lengths

• A senator serves a term of six years, ensuring stability and continuity in the legislative body.

Necessary and Proper Clause

• This clause is contentious due to its ambiguities, leading to differing interpretations of Congress's powers.

Forbidden Actions

• The Constitution prohibits laws that are ex post facto, meaning laws that retroactively change the legal consequences of actions.

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Test your knowledge on Article I of the U.S. Constitution with this quiz. It covers the powers and processes of Congress, including expressed powers and legislative procedures. Challenge yourself and see how well you understand the foundational aspects of the legislative branch!

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The Annenberg Guide to the United States Constitution

Article I, Section 8

The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian Tribes;

To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;—And

To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.

The Meaning

Article I, Section 8, specifies the powers of Congress in great detail. These powers are limited to those listed and those that are “necessary and proper” to carry them out. All other lawmaking powers are left to the states. The First Congress, concerned that the limited nature of the federal government was not clear enough in the original Constitution, later adopted Amendment X, which reserves to the states or to the people all the powers not specifically granted to the federal government.

The most important of the specific powers that the Constitution enumerates is the power to set taxes, tariffs and other means of raising federal revenue, and to authorize the expenditure of all federal funds. In addition to the tax powers in Article I, Amendment XVI authorized Congress to establish a national income tax. The power to appropriate federal funds is known as the “power of the purse.” It gives Congress great authority over the executive branch, which must appeal to Congress for all of its funding. The federal government borrows money by issuing bonds. This creates a national debt, which the United States is obligated to repay.

Since the turn of the 20th century, federal legislation has dealt with many matters that had previously been managed by the states. In passing these laws, Congress often relies on power granted by the commerce clause, which allows Congress to regulate business activities “among the states.”

The commerce clause gives Congress broad power to regulate many aspects of our economy and to pass environmental or consumer protections because so much of business today, either in manufacturing or distribution, crosses state lines. But the commerce clause powers are not unlimited.

In recent years, the U.S. Supreme Court has expressed greater concern for states’ rights. It has issued a series of rulings that limit the power of Congress to pass legislation under the commerce clause or other powers contained in Article I, Section 8. For example, these rulings have found unconstitutional federal laws aimed at protecting battered women or protecting schools from gun violence on the grounds that these types of policy matters are properly managed by the states.

In addition, Congress has the power to coin money, create the postal service, army, navy and lower federal courts, and to declare war. Congress also has the responsibility of determining naturalization, how immigrants become citizens. Such laws must apply uniformly and cannot be modified by the states.

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The first amendment, interpretation & debate, article i, section 1: general principles, matters of debate, common interpretation, article i, section 1: the delegation doctrine, article i, section i: the non-delegation principle persists.

by William N. Eskridge, Jr.

John A. Garver Professor of Jurisprudence at Yale Law School

by Neomi Rao

Federal Judge for the Court of Appeals in the District of Columbia

Article I, Section 1 provides: “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” The Constitution first vests all federal legislative powers in a representative bicameral Congress. Central to the social compact, this lawmaking institution forms the foundation of the federal government and allows the people’s representatives to act together for the common good. Article I, Section I establishes several fundamental features of the Congress.

1 . Bicameralism . The Framers of the Constitution of 1789 created a powerful national legislature to represent both the People and the States. Yet they also feared its awesome power and therefore determined to limit that power in order to protect individual liberty. The Vesting Clause embodies two strategies for limiting Congress’s power. One strategy was to condition legislation upon the agreement of two differently constituted Chambers. See The Federalist No. 51 (James Madison). With smaller districts and short terms, the House of Representatives was expected to be responsive to We the People. But hasty popular measures could be ameliorated or killed in the Senate, whose members served for longer terms and were selected by the state legislatures until enactment of the Seventeenth Amendment .

2. Limited and Enumerated Powers. As a more explicit limitation, the Constitution vests Congress only with those legislative powers that are “herein granted.” Unlike state legislatures that enjoy plenary authority, Congress has authority only over the subject matter specified in the Constitution, particularly in Article I, Section 8. Early Presidents and Congresses took seriously the limited jurisdiction of the federal government. They assumed no federal power to fund internal improvements, for example. They also debated what powers might be implied by the grant of the enumerated powers.

A significant early debate concerned whether Congress could create a Bank of the United States. James Madison and Thomas Jefferson argued against such a power, but President Washington ultimately supported Alexander Hamilton’s plan for the Bank, even though the Framers had rejected bank incorporation as an enumerated power. The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Bank and recognized that the enumerated powers included some implied ones in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819).

The New Deal Court expanded upon McCulloch ’s interpretation of Congress’s enumerated powers: the Commerce Clause of Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 grew into a capacious source of congressional authority to regulate the economy, and the Necessary and Proper Clause at the end of Section 8 was interpreted to expand Congress’s authority yet further in Wickard v. Filburn (1942). The Court has afforded significant deference to Congress’s judgment about how far to press its enumerated powers.

Despite the expansive interpretation of the commerce power, the principle of a Congress vested only with limited and enumerated powers endures. In United States v. Lopez (1995), the Court invalidated a federal law making it a crime to possess a firearm close to a public school. Not only did Congress fail to connect the statute to an enumerated power, but the power asserted (regulation of commerce) was not considered the kind of economic regulation the Court had previously sanctioned. Lopez reaffirmed some outer boundary to the federal regulatory power. 

3.  Nondelegation . Article I, Section 1 vests all legislative powers in Congress, which means the President and the Supreme Court cannot assert legislative authority. See Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952). This marks an important separation of powers between the departments of the federal government. It also has been interpreted to include a principle of nondelegation, that the people’s representatives in Congress must make the law, rather than delegate that power to the executive or judicial branch.

For most of American history, judges and commentators have assumed that Congress cannot “delegate” legislative authority and the Supreme Court has located this rule in Article I, Section 1. See, e.g., Whitman v. American Trucking Associations, Inc . (2001). Individual Justices have opined that the nondelegation doctrine ought to be treated as a serious limitation on Congress’s authority. (For example, see Justice Thomas’s dissent in Whitman .)

While the principle of nondelegation persists, the Supreme Court has allowed a lot of delegation, so long as Congress includes intelligible principles to guide discretion. The Marshall Court ruled that Congress could delegate authority to the federal courts to adopt rules of process, Wayman v. Southard (1825), and to the President to revive trading privileges, Cargo of the Brig Aurora v. United States (1813). Although assuming a nondelegation doctrine, no law was invalidated for this reason in the nineteenth century.    

In 1935, the Supreme Court invalidated a congressional delegation of lawmaking authority to private institutions—the only occasion where the Court has invalidated a law under the nondelegation doctrine. A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States (1935) ; Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan (1935). 

Particularly since the New Deal, Congress often legislates in open-ended terms that give substantial authority to executive branch officials and judges. Since 1935, almost all the Justices on the Supreme Court have either applied the nondelegation doctrine leniently, to allow large-scale delegations accompanied by vague limiting principles, Mistretta v. United States (1989), or have said the doctrine of unconstitutional delegation is not readily enforceable by the courts. (See Justice Scalia’s dissent in Mistretta ).

The Court, however, sometimes gives effect to the values undergirding the nondelegation principle through narrow interpretations of statutory delegations. For example, the Supreme Court has overruled agency rules adopted pursuant to congressional delegations, on the ground that the agency is advancing a big change in policy. “We expect Congress to speak clearly if it wishes to assign to an agency decisions of vast ‘economic and political significance.’” Utility Air Regulatory Group v. EPA (2014) (plurality opinion) (quoting FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp. (2000)); see also King v. Burwell (2015).

There are many contentious issues arising under Article I, Section 1, which vests Congress with “all legislative Powers herein granted.” I shall argue that the best reading of the Vesting Clause (Article I, Section 1) is captured by the concept of a delegation (rather than nondelegation ) doctrine. Under this doctrine, Congress is the supreme lawmaker, and its limits on delegated authority must be strictly observed.

The Vesting Clause text is ambiguous, even read in light of the Constitution’s structure. See Thomas W. Merrill, Rethinking Article I, Section 1:  From Nondelegation to Exclusive Delegation , 104 Colum. L. Rev. 2097, 2114-39 (2004). One might read Article I, Section 1 to prohibit Congress from delegating the power to adopt rules having the effect of law (a broad reading of “legislative Powers”) or the power to pass statutes (a narrower reading). But one also might read the Vesting Clause to give Congress the supreme authority to make law, including the discretion to delegate lawmaking authority to other officials.

As early as the Marshall Court, judges have understood that Congress may delegate to other federal officials “powers which the legislature may rightfully exercise itself,” including the power to make rules with binding legal effect. Wayman v. Southard (1825). In the last century, the Court has confirmed that Congress may delegate lawmaking authority to other public officials but has insisted that Congress “lay down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body authorized to [act] is directed to conform.” J.W. Hampton, Jr., & Co. v. United States (1928) .

Since 1935, the Court has never invalidated legislation for violating the so-called “nondelegation doctrine.” The intelligible principle limitation has either been leniently applied or considered unreviewable. In practice, there is no judicially enforceable nondelegation doctrine. Instead, Article I, Section 1 has been effectively interpreted to establish a delegation doctrine , whereby Congress has supreme lawmaking authority (subject to other constitutional limits), including the authority to delegate.

The Supreme Court’s unwillingness to give teeth to a nondelegation principle has potential constitutional costs: it frees Congress to slough off hard policy questions to other officials and may reduce the democratic accountability for policymaking. See, e.g. , David Schoenbrod, Power Without Responsibility: How Congress Abuses the People Through Delegation (1993). But these potential costs might be managed by a sober understanding of the delegation doctrine.  A standard expression is this one: “The legislative power of the United States is vested in the Congress, and the exercise of quasi-legislative authority by governmental departments and agencies must be rooted in a grant of such power by the Congress and subject to limitations which that body imposes.” Chrysler Corp. v. Brown (1979).   

Thus, judges will not readily find a delegation of lawmaking authority; a delegation must usually be explicit. More importantly, the delegation is subject to the limitations set forth or implicit in the congressional grant or in other statutory provisions. This understanding of the delegation doctrine is the conceptual foundation for the Supreme Court’s deference to agency rules that have the effect of law. United States v. Mead Corp. (2001) (the canonical understanding of the Chevron deference doctrine, whereby courts defer to an agency’s rules filling in an ambiguity in the statute it administers); see also Chevron USA, Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. (1984). 

Indeed, the democratic accountability concerns with a broad understanding of the delegation doctrine have been addressed by the Supreme Court’s review of agency actions pursuant to delegated lawmaking authority. To begin with, the Court insists that agencies engaged in legislative rulemaking follow the notice-and-comment procedures demanded by the Administrative Procedure Act, and which have been expanded by the Court itself. Motor Vehicle Manufacturers. Ass’n v. State Farm Mutual Auto. Ins. Co . (1983).

Additionally, the Supreme Court has inferred from Article I, Section 1 certain “quasi-constitutional” canons of statutory interpretation that limit agencies from usurping the power to make big policy moves beyond those authorized by Congress. Mistretta v. United States (1989); William N. Eskridge Jr. & Philip P. Frickey, Quasi-Constitutional Law: Clear Statement Rules as Constitutional Lawmaking , 45 Vand. L. Rev. 593, 607 (1992).

One such rule of construction is the major questions canon . Even if Congress has delegated to an agency general rulemaking or adjudicatory power, judges presume that Congress does not delegate its authority to settle or amend major social and economic policy decisions. “We expect Congress to speak clearly if it wishes to assign to an agency decisions of vast ‘economic and political significance.’” Utility Air Regulatory Group v. EPA (2014) (plurality opinion) (quoting FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp . (2000)); see also King v. Burwell (2015).

The major questions canon gives teeth to the Article I, Section 1 norm of congressional legislative supremacy, because it imposes a significant limit on agency lawmaking that is consistent with the assumptions of the congressional process. See Abbe R. Gluck & Lisa Schultz Bressman, Statutory Interpretation from the Inside:  An Empirical Study of Congressional Drafting, Delegation, and Statutory Interpretation:  Part I , 65 Stan. L. Rev. 901, 1003-04 (2013). 

The primary concern with the major questions canon is that it is a standard judges might apply unevenly. But consider the alternative—namely, enforcement of a nondelegation doctrine. Lax enforcement, the Supreme Court’s practice when it even mentions the doctrine, is toothless and possibly worthless. Strict enforcement would impose huge governance costs. Statutory interpretation canons, such as the major questions canon, are probably the best balance the Court can render for the Article I, Section 1 norm.

Article I, Section 1 vests all legislative powers of the federal government in a bicameral Congress. As explained above, this is often read to include a principle that legislative power cannot be delegated to the other branches, to individual members of Congress, or to private actors. Despite the Supreme Court’s lack of direct enforcement and Congress’ transfer of power to administrative agencies within the Executive branch, I shall explain that the non-delegation principle has stubbornly persisted precisely because of its centrality to a republican form of government. See Gary Lawson, Delegation and Original Meaning , 88 Va. L. Rev. 327, 332 (2002).

The Constitution places the lawmaking powers of the government in a representative legislature. Following John Locke, the Framers recognized that the most legitimate form of government and the one providing the greatest security to liberty and property would vest the lawmaking power in “collective bodies of men.” John Locke, Second Treatise of Government § 94. James Madison and others frequently emphasized that lawmaking must be done by a sufficiently large group, not by an individual or “cabal.”

For the Framers, lawmaking by a representative bicameral Congress would serve a number of purposes. First, laws made by the people’s representatives would have legitimacy derived from the consent of the people. Second, by requiring members of Congress to deliberate and to compromise, the difficult process of lawmaking would promote laws aimed at the general good and equally applicable to all people. Third, laws made by a collective legislature would be more likely to avoid the dangers of small factions and special interests. Collective lawmaking would not be perfect, but, along with other constitutional safeguards, would minimize the dangers of oppressive legislation.

These features reinforce why “all legislative powers herein granted” are vested in Congress. The centrality of representative, legislative power suggests constitutional limits on the delegation of legislative power to the Executive, which lacks the collective multi-member representation necessary for lawmaking.

The Supreme Court has consistently reinforced the principle of non-delegation, recognizing that Article I, Section 1, of the Constitution “vests ‘all legislative Powers herein granted . . . in a Congress of the United states.’ This text permits no delegation of those powers . . . ” Whitman v. American Trucking Associations, Inc . (2001). In Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan (1935), it stated “in every case in which the question has been raised, the Court has recognized that there are limits of delegation which there is no constitutional authority to transcend.”

The non-delegation principle serves as an important textual and structural limit on the federal government. Congress has limited and enumerated powers that confine the overall scope and power of the federal government to better preserve individual liberty. The non-delegation principle reinforces these limits. If widescale delegation is permissible, executive agencies have discretion to increase the reach of the federal government without going through the difficult process of bicameralism and presentment. Moreover, non-delegation reinforces separation of powers. Open-ended delegation allows  lawmaking to be combined with law execution (and adjudication) in executive agencies in a manner that raises questions about political accountability, constitutional limits, and due process.

Yet in practice, the non-delegation principle has been enforced largely in the breach. Since the New Deal, Congress has increasingly delegated open-ended authority to executive branch agencies. Despite consistent recognition of a principle of non-delegation, the Supreme Court has tolerated a significant transfer of power from Congress to executive agencies to make regulations. One reason for this is the difficulty of defining an unconstitutional delegation. The Executive power includes the power to interpret and to implement the law when applying it to particular circumstances; however, the Executive power does not include the power to make the law.

Another Perspective

This essay is part of a discussion about Article I, Section 1 with William N. Eskridge, Jr. John A. Garver Professor of Jurisprudence, Yale Law School. Read the full discussion here.

As Justice Black famously explained, “[T]he President’s power to see that the laws are faithfully executed refutes the idea that he is to be a lawmaker. . . . And the Constitution is neither silent nor equivocal about who shall make laws which the President is to execute. The first section of the first article says that ‘All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States.’”  Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952). The difficulty arises in determining when the Executive is legislating, which is impermissible, and when the Executive is implementing statutory directives.

The Court has also declined direct enforcement of the non-delegation doctrine because it has analyzed non-delegation as a structural principle that should be checked by competition between Congress and the President. As Justice Scalia explained, “Congress could delegate lawmaking authority only at the expense of increasing the power of either the President or the courts. . . . Thus, the need for delegation would have to be important enough to induce Congress to aggrandize its primary competitor for political power.” Mistretta v. United States (1989) (Scalia, J., dissenting).

Why would Congress delegate so much power to the President, its rival for political power? Increased political polarization and the desire to avoid responsibility for difficult choices provide some explanation. In addition, delegation may empower members of Congress to control administration by influencing administrative agencies, allowing them to enhance their individual power through collusion with agencies. See Neomi Rao, Administrative Collusion: How Delegation Diminishes the Collective Congress , 90 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1463 (2015). Delegation may unravel the competitive tension between Congress and the President, undermining an important structural check on legislative power.

Widespread delegation to the executive has weakened Congress as an institution and made it difficult for Congress to check the Executive. The unitary Executive possesses all of the structural advantages of quick action over Congress. Once authority has been delegated, Congress has fewer mechanisms to oversee the Executive.

Non-delegation remains “a principle universally recognized as vital to the integrity and maintenance of the system of government ordained by the Constitution.” Field v. Clark (1892). A few justices have argued for greater enforcement of the non-delegation doctrine to provide a check on executive branch agencies exercising delegated power. For instance, Justice Thomas has written that the judiciary’s failure to enforce the nondelegation doctrine comes at the “cost [of] our Constitution and the individual liberty it protects.” Department of Transportation v. Association of American Railroads (2015) (Thomas, J., concurring in the judgment).

Given the importance of non-delegation, courts should provide greater scrutiny of delegations of legislative power. Yet the non-delegation principle cannot depend solely on judicial review. Congress is vested with the legislative power. Article I, Section 1 of the Constitution provides for the essential and central role of Congress in a republican form of government, even after the rise of the modern administrative state.

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Article 1 - Congress

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What is the focus of Article I of the Constitution?

describing the powers and structure of the legislative branch

defining bicameral and unicameral houses

explaining the veto and override process

reviewing the executive branch of the government

Which statement about congress is accurate?

It contains only the House of Representatives.

The Senate's membership is based on a state's population

It is bicameral according to the Constitution

Membership in both houses is based on equal representation

According to the Constitution, how long is a senator's term?

The Necessary and Proper Clause in Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution gives Congress _______ powers.

Congress has expressed financial power to

establish a national banking system

create and collect new taxes

order the president to borrow money

seize property for government projects

Which is n example of an expressed power Congress holds?

creating a national banking system

taking away the right of habeas corpus

declaring war and maintaining a military

building and maintaining roads

Why is the Necessary and Proper Clause a source of ongoing debate?

Congress cannot agree on how broad its implied powers should be

the wording of the clause is often undergoing revision

the clause deals with specified powers that are ambiguous and misinterpreted

The clause establishes reserved rights, which vary from state to state

Which of these is an expressed power of Congress?

admitting new states

eliminating amendments to the Constitution

determining what is cruel and unusual punishment

Which of these is considered a power of governance?

regulating trade between states

maintaining armed forces

declaring war

Which of these actions is forbidden by the Constitution?

creating a law ex post facto

borrowing money from the government

passing " necessary and proper" laws

regulating trade with foreign countries

Congress declares a person to be guilty of a crime without having been given a trial. This is an example of

habeas corpus

a bill of attainder

an ex post facto law

cruel and unusual punishment

What statement about the Necessary and proper clause is accurate?

It is the source of implied powers

it is written so as not to be open to debate

it specifically refers to both financial and military powers.

It specifically reserves powers to other branches.

Most of Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution describes what kind of congressional powers?

interpretive

Article 1, Section 7 of the Constitution explains what?

The reason for a unicameral house

the process of creating a law

the steps to selection a state representative

the requirements of citizenship

Which statement about the lawmaking process is accurate?

A bill can only originate in the Senate

A bill can have a second chance after a veto

A bill can only originate in the House of Representatives

A bill can often be passed quickly and easily.

Congress checks on the power of the presidency by

overriding a presidential reversal or veto

debating the bill in both of the houses

making laws without presidential review

sending the bill back to several committees

Who are our two state senators form Texas?

Michael McCloud, John McCain

Ted Cruz and Mike Pence

Ted Cruz and John Cornyn

John Cornyn and Michael McCloud

Which of these is the next step in the lawmaking process after a bill makes it out of a committee?

The bill is sent to the president to sign.

The bill is sent to the house of congress it was not introduced in..

The bill is debated in the house of Congress that it was introduced in

The bill is voted on in the house of Congress that it was introduced in.

What can happen if the president chooses to veto a law that has been approved?

The law returns to being introduced in one of the houses.

The president's decision can be overridden by a majority of Congress.

The law is rejected and cannot be reconsidered.

The president's decision is scheduled for review within a year.

Identify the house/s of congress in charge of impeachment hearings?

House of Representatives

Both the HOR and the Senate

None of the Above

Which of these steps in the lawmaking process might happen after a bill is sent to the president?

The president can veto the bill.

The president can send it to committee.

The president can ask the house to debate it.

The president can sign the bill into law

What is considered the most important power congress holds?

collecting taxes

electing leaders

creating laws

determining citizenship

Why has the House of Representatives grown so much faster than the Senate?

Representation is based on population, and the US has grown steadily.

The number of senators allowed per state has been routinely reduced

Fewer and fewer representatives have been re-elected to additional terms.

The Constitution requires the number of representatives to increase each debate.

Which statement applies to both senators and representatives?

They serve four-year terms.

They can be expelled for breaking rules.

They must have a college education.

They are required to be registered voters

According to the Constitution, how long is a representatives term?

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