case study school bullying

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A Case Study with an Identified Bully: Policy and Practice Implications

Bullying is a serious public health problem that may include verbal or physical injury as well as social isolation or exclusion. As a result, research is needed to establish a database for policies and interventions designed to prevent bullying and its negative effects. This paper presents a case study that contributes to the literature by describing an intervention for bullies that has implications for practice and related policies regarding bullying.

An individualized intervention for an identified bully was implemented using the Participatory Culture-Specific Intervention Model (PCSIM; Nastasi, Moore, & Varjas, 2004) with a seventh-grade middle school student. Ecological and culture-specific perspectives were used to develop and implement the intervention that included psychoeducational sessions with the student and consultation with the parent and school personnel. A mixed methods intervention design was used with the following informants: the target student, the mother of the student, a teacher and the school counselor. Qualitative data included semi-structured interviews with the parent, teacher and student, narrative classroom observations and evaluation/feedback forms filled out by the student and interventionist. Quantitative data included the following quantitative surveys (i.e., Child Self Report Post Traumatic Stress Reaction Index and the Behavior Assessment Scale for Children). Both qualitative and quantitative data were used to evaluate the acceptability, integrity and efficacy of this intervention.

The process of intervention design, implementation and evaluation are described through an illustrative case study. Qualitative and quantitative findings indicated a decrease in internalizing, externalizing and bullying behaviors as reported by the teacher and the mother, and a high degree of acceptability and treatment integrity as reported by multiple stakeholders.

Conclusion:

This case study makes important contributions by describing an intervention that is targeted to specific needs of the bully by designing culture specific interventions and working with the student’s unique environmental contexts. Contributions also are made by illustrating the use of mixed methods to document acceptability, integrity and efficacy of an intervention with documented positive effects in these areas. In addition, implications for policy and practice related to the treatment of students identified as bullies and future research needs are discussed.

INTRODUCTION

Bullying is one of the most significant school problems experienced by children and adolescents and affects approximately 30% of students in U.S. public schools. 1 This included 13% as bullies, 10.6% as victims and 6.3% as bully-victims. 2 Bullying has been defined as repeated exposure to negative events within the context of an imbalanced power relationship. 3 Bullying is a serious public health problem that may include verbal or physical injury, as well as social isolation or exclusion. 3 – 4 As a result, research is needed to establish a database for interventions designed to prevent bullying and its negative effects within the context of school policies. 4

Researchers have found that bullying may have deleterious effects for both perpetrators and victims, including social, emotional, mental health and academic concerns, as well as loss of instructional time. 5 – 12 For example, a relationship has been found between bullying behavior and internalizing problems (i.e., depression and anxiety), as well as externalizing problems (i.e., aggression and hyperactivity). 11 – 12 Further, bullies have been found to have more conduct problems and less favorable views of school than their non-bullying peers, which may lead to academic disengagement. 5

Rationale for the Case Study

The purpose of this case study is to describe the implementation of an individualized psychoeducational intervention with an identified bully and to report the outcomes of the intervention in terms of acceptability, integrity and efficacy. 13 This case study was unique because we used mixed methods (i.e., both qualitative and quantitative methods) to contribute to the database on acceptability, integrity and efficacy by providing a rich description of the cultural and contextual variables that may influence the implementation and outcomes of the intervention. 14 This case study was distinctive because it used the Participatory Culture-Specific Intervention Model (PCSIM) to design, implement, and evaluate the intervention. 15 Based on an ecological-developmental stance, PCSIM addresses individual and cultural factors related to mental health and promotes cultural competence using culturally valued resources and coping skills. 16 – 18 PCSIM uses an iterative data collection process that incorporates feedback from stakeholders to promote treatment acceptability and cultural validity, treatment integrity and efficacy. 15 The research questions were: (1) What was the nature of acceptability from the perspectives of stakeholders? (2) What was the treatment integrity of intervention implementation? (3) Was there a reduction in this student’s: (a) externalizing symptoms, (b) internalizing symptoms and (c) bullying behaviors?

Context and Informants

We conducted this study in a southeastern urban public school district with 2,484 students and 499 students at the target middle school. The population was diverse with respect to ethnicity (approximately 40% African American, 52% Caucasian, 2% Asian, 2% Hispanic and 4% multiracial) and socioeconomic status (30% free and reduced lunch). The research team had an ongoing collaborative relationship with this school district for eight years. 19 Bullying behavior was addressed in the district discipline policies, which were distributed to students at all grade levels. The school response to bullying depended on severity and could include: student participation in a conference with school personnel, assignment to alternative lunch area, partial or full day in-school suspension (ISS), out of school suspension, financial restitution for the repair of any damage, or consideration of an alternative placement for up to 10 school days.

The informants included the mother of the target student, the interventionist, a classroom teacher, the seventh-grade school counselor and the target student. The target student’s mother, Ms. S., was an African-American woman who worked in the education field. The interventionist was an African-American female doctoral-level school psychology graduate student who was certified as a school psychologist and had 10 years of classroom teaching experience. The seventh grade counselor was an African-American female masters-level school counselor who had been employed by the district for many years. Based on the tenets of PCSIM, stakeholders participated as informants by providing data to develop intervention goals and to assess intervention acceptability, integrity and efficacy. 15

Qualitative Data

All interviews were semi-structured and produced qualitative data. Interviews were conducted with the mother, teacher and the target student. Interviews were conducted with all informants prior to intervention to facilitate development of the intervention sessions. The pre-intervention student interview was audio taped, transcribed and coded for major themes. The interventionist took ethnographic notes during all other interviews. Teacher and parent interviews were conducted post-intervention to enhance outcome data. Parent interview questions included a focus on the target student’s behavior at home and school, parent concerns related to his behavior, and the results of previously employed strategies. The course instructor, which this student received the lowest conduct grade, participated in data collection (i.e., interviews, observations, and surveys). Examples of the questions from the student, teacher and parent interviews are reported in Table 1 .

Sample interview questions asked of the bullying student, his parent and teacher.

Behavioral observations

The referred student was observed in structured (classroom) and less structured settings (hallway, lunch) to determine the frequency and nature of bullying behaviors and to aid in intervention development. We used a narrative approach (i.e., rich description) for conducting behavioral observations to gain information regarding peer and teacher interactions.

Evaluation/Feedback Forms

We used qualitative student evaluation and interventionist feedback forms to gather narrative information related to intervention implementation, including acceptability and integrity of the intervention. The student feedback forms were completed at the end of each intervention session and were used to determine what the participant liked about the session, as well as what he would change about the session. The interventionist feedback form was completed following each session and provided documentation about culture-specific modifications as well as treatment acceptability and self-assessment of the interventionist’s performance.

Quantitative Measures

Behavior assessment scale for children: second edition.

The Behavior Assessment Scale for Children (BASC-2) was administered to the teacher, parent and student pre- and post-intervention. 23 These data from the student were not considered because of observations indicating that the student did not read the items carefully and, instead, provided invalid responses. The BASC-2 is a behavior rating scale that was designed to evaluate personality characteristics, emotions, self-perceptions or parent/teacher perceptions of adolescents. At-risk T-scores range from 60 to 69 while T-scores of 70 or above are considered clinically significant. This instrument has high test-retest reliability ( r = .91) and internal consistency ( α = .89). 23 We used the internalizing, externalizing and bullying scales for this case study.

Child Self Report Post Traumatic Stress Reaction Index

The Child Self Report Post Traumatic Stress Reaction Index (CPTS-RI) was administered before and after the intervention to determine change in symptoms related to post-traumatic stress experienced by the target student. 20 The CPTS-RI was used to supplement information provided by the BASC-2 regarding internalizing problems. The CPTS-RI has high internal consistency ( α = .86) and test-retest reliability ( r = .84). Although the CPTS-RI does not yield standard scores, raw scores of 38 and above have been described as clinically significant in previous research. 21 , 22

Qualitative Data Analysis Procedures

The qualitative data (interviews, observations, & evaluation feedback forms) were subject to thematic analysis by having one coder read through each piece of data to create a list of themes that were reflected by these data. 24 We employed a deductive approach to coding in which the coder identified information regarding externalizing, internalizing and bullying behaviors in the data. 17 After the first coder had read through all data to generate a list of themes, a group of three coders read through all of the data again and used a consensus-based approach to confirm or modify each theme. This team also selected quotes illustrating these themes. 25

Quantitative Data Analysis Procedures

We analyzed the pre/post quantitative data (internalizing and externalizing from the BASC-2) using a two-step process that included calculation of the Reliable Change Index (RCI) and determination of whether an observed change was clinically significant. 26 – 28 We calculated the RCI based on the standard error of measurement or reliability of the instrument and the student’s pre- and post-scores for each instrument. We used the following formula based on Jacobson & Truax (RCI = X 2 − X 1 /S diff ). S diff is calculated by taking the square root of 2(S E ) 2 , where S E is the test’s standard error of measurement. 27 RCI scores of 1.96 or greater are considered to be statistically significant. Mean scores from the CPTS-RI and bullying content scales were analyzed descriptively. We did not calculate RCI scores for these two variables because standard scores are not reported for the CPTS-RI and there are insufficient data about reliability and standard error of measurement for these two instruments.

Background of the Case Study

The target student for the intervention was David, a 12-year-old African-American student in the seventh grade. David’s mother (Ms. S.) provided background and medical information. David lived with his mother and nine-year-old sister. His family history included a recent martial separation. However, regular contact with his father was maintained through weekend and extended holiday visitation. David’s medical history included a diagnosis of Attention Deficit Hyperactive Disorder, which was managed through medication and counseling.

Reason for referral

David was referred for the bullying intervention by members of the administrative and counseling staff and was described as a “provocative bully” by administrators and teachers. An administrator indicated that David had a tendency to “annoy” his peers verbally until they “reach[ed] their limit” and as a result became physically aggressive with him. The administrator described David’s behavior as verbal bullying. The school counselor expressed concerns about his limited ability to engage in prosocial interactions with peers and school personnel, as David appeared to “ignore the comments of adults” and seemed unaware of how his actions or remarks were perceived by peers. Ms. S. (David’s mother) expressed concern that her son was becoming verbally aggressive in reaction to being bullied at school. She cited school reports of inappropriate comments to teachers and peers as evidence of David’s verbal aggression and indicated that his bullying behaviors persisted or escalated irrespective of school and home interventions. Ms. S. and the school personnel stated that they were interested in determining the best ways to intervene.

INTERVENTION

Data obtained from interviews, surveys, review of records and observations were used to develop an individualized eight session intervention to address David’s bullying behavior. 29 Intervention sessions are described in Table 2 including the sessions, the goals, and cultural modifications that resulted in the individualization of the curriculum. 29

Sessions, goals, and cultural modifications used to individualize the curriculum.

Note. Adapted with permission of the authors.29 Please contact second author for more details regarding the curriculum.

Consistent with the PCSIM, we evaluated this case by examining both the process and the outcomes of the intervention that was implemented with a student who had been identified as a bully-victim. We answered the acceptability, integrity, and efficacy of the intervention for this case study. 15 , 30 – 32

Acceptability: Research Question 1

We defined acceptability as the extent to which stakeholders (e.g., mental health professionals, parents, teachers and students) find a particular treatment or intervention to be fair, appropriate, reasonable and consistent with their expectations of treatment. 31 We collected acceptability data through parent, facilitator, student and teacher report and used data to modify the curriculum in an effort to increase acceptability and efficacy. 15 For example, David reported in the session evaluation that activities that were less contingent upon verbal interaction were more acceptable than those that required him to discuss emotions. Through the recursive process of the PCSIM, subsequent sessions were adapted to allow for choice between various less verbally demanding tasks, such as those that allowed David to respond to the curriculum by creating artwork such as drawings or collages. 16

Examples of high acceptability also were revealed through post-intervention data obtained from all stakeholders. For example, Ms. S. indicated that she viewed the intervention as an important resource to address her son’s social deficits related to interpersonal relationships with peers and family members. David’s teacher acknowledged the value of the intervention as a reinforcement tool by informing David of her ongoing communication with the interventionist to encourage him to behave appropriately in order to have positive remarks relayed about his behavior. We also obtained measures of acceptability from the interventionist after each session, suggesting that initial sessions were less acceptable due to the resistance encountered and the slow development of rapport between the interventionist and the target student. However, treatment acceptability increased during subsequent sessions as rapport developed due to curriculum modifications made based on student feedback (i.e., less verbal input was required).

Integrity: Research Question 2

We defined integrity as the degree to which core program elements are implemented and cultural adaptations are documented. 15 This study employed a partnership model to maintain treatment integrity, by focusing on collaboration with stakeholders in order to be culturally responsive while maintaining the essential components and content of the intervention. 30 We obtained integrity data through the interventionist feedback forms to evaluate the ways in which session goals were met. Based on a thematic analysis of these forms, treatment integrity was high as session goals were met in all of the intervention sessions (meeting the threshold of greater than 80% implementation of intervention components). 31

Efficacy: Research Question 3a –Externalization

We collected qualitative and quantitative results related to David’s externalizing behaviors from the teacher and parent report. The teacher reported in an exit interview that David no longer engaged in disruptive activities after completing assignments but instead chose to read. David’s mother reported a decrease in the number of phone calls received regarding disciplinary concerns from the school during and after the intervention. There was a clinically significant difference in the teacher pre- and post-intervention BASC-2 scores reflecting reduced externalizing behaviors (RCI = − 3.74). There was no change indicated by the parent pre- and post-test BASC-2 scores on externalizing behaviors ( Table 3 ).

Pre-post scores for internalizing, externalizing and bullying.

Efficacy: Research Question 3b- Internalization

The school counselor reported that David was less withdrawn at the end of the intervention. For example, she indicated that he made eye contact and acknowledged the statements or requests of school personnel, which were skills addressed in sessions related to empathy and perspective taking. Although David’s CPTS-RI raw score of 20 did not meet the threshold of clinical significance (i.e., 38 and higher), his post-intervention score of seven suggested a lower perception of internalizing symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress after the intervention. Specifically, he indicated that he had fewer bad dreams and was better able to concentrate at school. Quantitative findings from the BASC -2 included a clinically significant decrease in Internalizing Behaviors based on Teacher report (RCI = −3.79). However, there was no change related to internalizing symptoms based on parent report.

Efficacy: Research Question 3c- Bullying

The results of the BASC-2 completed by his teacher revealed that David’s bullying behavior decreased based on pre-post test data. His score on the bullying content scale from the teacher BASC-2 decreased from the at-risk range (SS = 66) to within normal limits (SS = 59) for students his age. Ms. S. reported no change on the parent BASC-2 from pre- (SS= 62) to post-test (SS = 62) in regards to David’s bullying behavior. However, as mentioned earlier, she reported the number of discipline referrals decreased during and after the intervention. Further, qualitative findings from school personnel also suggested improvement in David’s behavior after the intervention. Additional support for positive change in this area is that there were no additional counseling or disciplinary referrals for the remainder of the school year ( Table 3 ).

This case study contributes to the literature related to intervention with bullies by providing an in-depth description of a promising intervention model and by using mixed methods resulting in evidence that this intervention had high acceptability, integrity and efficacy. 13 Using the PCSIM, this intervention successfully integrated data about the culture of bullying within the target school, as well as using knowledge gained through collaboration with parents, teachers and school personnel. 15 , 20 This psychoeducational intervention engaged multiple stakeholders, including school personnel, the mother, and the target student, to facilitate intervention acceptability and integrity and thereby increased the likelihood that the desired outcomes would be achieved. 15 , 30 Further, the use of mixed methods and multiple informants strengthened validity of the intervention and evaluation by examining findings across multiple informants and multiple sources of data. 14

An important finding in this case study was related to the efficacy of this intervention. Based on prior literature, the referral concerns and the pre-intervention data, the intervention was designed to reduce behaviors and symptoms associated with externalization, internalization, and bullying. 11 – 12 Predicted reductions in externalizing behaviors and bullying were partially confirmed with quantitative findings reflected by the RCI for externalization and clinical significance on the bullying scale from the BASC-2. 26 – 28 Additional support was provided by qualitative data from interviews and observations. Similarly, the predicted reductions for internalization were partially confirmed based on the RCI for internalization on the BASC-2 as well as by descriptive data from the CPTS-RI. These quantitative findings were confirmed by qualitative data obtained from school personnel. However, it is noted that the findings for internalizing were not supported by parent report.

The participatory approach to problem identification and intervention development incorporated in the PCSIM was successful in several ways. 15 For example, school personnel and the target student’s mother identified ongoing communication with the interventionist as a strength of the intervention. This enabled teachers to provide insight into the daily interactions of the students, the previous intervention efforts of school personnel, and an overview of the student’s social, emotional and academic strengths and challenges. Further, collaboration with the interventionist provided teachers with an opportunity to experience the target student in a different light by examining the influence of family context on the student’s behavior. This interaction between stakeholders and the interventionist exemplified the recursive nature of the PCSIM and illustrated the potential importance of mental health consultation in facilitating positive outcomes when intervening with bullies. 15 , 33

LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

Since this case study was conducted with a single participant, more research is clearly needed to demonstrate the acceptability, integrity and effectiveness of this individualized intervention with identified bullies. In addition, given the range of findings from both the parent and teacher, future efforts should be designed to include input over time from multiple participants and to use these data for recursive revision of intervention plans. School-based (e.g., school counselors, school psychologists, school nurses) and mental health practitioners are uniquely qualified to design and implement culture-specific interventions for bullies in schools by using their relationships with stakeholders, along with ongoing data collection, to increase intervention acceptability, integrity and efficacy. 15 Future research may include a greater emphasis on systematic evaluation of the processes used to consult with educators and parents, particularly since educators and parents can have different views, while also having great potential to influence children. Based on information gained through the iterative process of the PCSIM, the intervention might be used as a method of primary prevention by extending it to younger students. 15 Further, research is needed to examine the range of ways that this intervention may need to be modified to address the characteristics of other bullies and their unique cultural and ecological circumstances. Such modifications might include multiple sessions per week, meeting with members of the target student’s peer group, and a greater focus on behavior management strategies.

POLICY AND PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS

This case study has important implications for practice in the context of public policy. While the ideas discussed in this paper may have the potential to create meaningful change in some bullies, it requires intense levels of data collection and analysis to address the acceptability, integrity and efficacy of this type of intervention. This requires a public commitment to the expense needed to carry out such intervention effectively. It also may require research based on public health models that seek less expensive methods of intervention and that emphasize a full range of preventive interventions, including primary prevention. 4 In this context, it is noted that policies in place within a school, school district and/or community may play a role in strengthening intervention efforts. 4 For example, the intervention described in this paper was implemented in the context of school policies that did not tolerate bullying and that had clear guidelines for school responses to bullying. Also, schools policies of service delivery referred to as response to intervention that include a simultaneous focus on a range of services including primary prevention, risk reduction, secondary prevention and tertiary prevention. 34 Research is needed to develop an understanding about the impact of such policies on the efficacy of individualized interventions such as this.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the student, parent, and school personnel who participated in this intervention. Funding for this work was supported by the American International Group, Inc. Additional funding was provided by the Center for School Safety, School Climate, and Classroom Management and the College of Education Dean’s Office at Georgia State University.

Conflicts of Interest: By the WestJEM article submission agreement, all authors are required to disclose all affiliations, funding sources and financial or management relationships that could be perceived as potential sources of bias. The authors disclosed none.

Reprints available through open access at http://scholarship.org/uc/uciem_westjem .

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Snezana’s story: from being bullied to ending conflicts at school, peer mediators in kosovo (scr 1244) help keep school safe for everyone.

MITROVICA, Kosovo (SCR 1244), 6 September, 2018 - Sixteen-year-old Snezana Dzogovic vividly remembers when her classmates started to bully her. She was in sixth grade at her school in Mitrovica, northern Kosovo (SCR 1244).

“I went ‘into’ myself and did not talk to anyone about it.  I started avoiding school.  My grades fell because I did not go to school. I could not study at home,” she says.

Snezana says the bullying started when she began listening to rock music and dressing differently than the other girls. She liked bands like Nirvana and Guns n’ Roses and she cut her hair short.

Verbal and physical abuse followed. Her classmates would damage her belongings when she wasn’t looking.

One day Snezana came home with her backpack and books ripped and her mother asked her what had happened.

“When I started to talk, my mother felt shocked and embarrassed that I had not shared it before. My mother went to school and spoke to the class teacher, but she (the teacher) avoided resolving the issue,” says Snezana.

Violence, an everyday lesson for millions

According to a new report released by UNICEF today, Violence in Schools: An Everyday Lesson , peer violence, defined as the number of children who report having been bullied in the last month or having been involved in a physical fight in the last year – is a pervasive part of young people’s education around the world.

The report finds that approximately half of all students aged 13 to 15 – 150 million girls and boys – experience peer-violence. This violence exists in every region of the world and in every community.

The report explains that the effects of peer to peer violence are unacceptably high on individual young people as well as society as a whole. Violence decreases self-esteem, reduces attendance, lowers grades and leads many children to drop out of school completely.

From being bullied to mediating conflicts

Snezana explains that during the time she was being bullied, a new group of peer mediators were brought into her school. She had never heard about the group and was admittedly skeptical.

“At first I did not feel comfortable.  I thought it was yet another group that would bully me,” she said.

But this group was different.

The group is organized by UNICEF and partner organization in Kosovo (SCR 1244) DOMOVIK as part of a school-based violence prevention programme. The peer mediators are student volunteers who are trained to resolve conflict at school – often cases of bullying and psychological abuse. They are also trained to refer more serious cases of violence to appropriate officials, including social welfare authorities and the police.

The peer mediators work with school administrators, teachers, the student council as well as psychologists and education specialists.

Snezana decided to join the group. During the first year of being a peer mediator the bullying she was experiencing stopped. She also brought positive changes into other student’s lives. 

“When I joined, I found it to be a wonderful group and started to work on myself,” she says.  “I now put in extra effort when I see a child being bullied, and also suggest the child to join the peer mediation team.”

Over the last five years Snezana has helped end approximately 50 school-based conflicts or cases of bullying. She recalls one particular instance when she convinced two boys who had been fighting that physical conflict would not help.  She explains that she approached the situation as a friend, wanting to listen to both of the boys. 

“That is how it was resolved,” she says.

Another important part of Snezana and the other peer mediator’s work is visiting neighbouring schools and re-enacting cases of bullying. During the reenactments, students learn how to identify bullying and resolve conflict. 

So far, the peer mediation programme has benefitted at least 15,000 students in Kosovo (SCR 1244).

Snezana will never forget the pain of being targeted by bullies, but she says she has moved on.

“I decided to let them know that I was equal to them,” she says about the kids who used to bully her.  “At the end of the day I forgive them because they were children.”

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Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective Case Study

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Octavio Ramirez, Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective Case Study, Children & Schools , Volume 35, Issue 2, April 2013, Pages 93–99, https://doi.org/10.1093/cs/cdt001

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This article explores the coping strategies of five junior-high school students with a history of peer victimization and how those strategies help them manage the effects of bullying. The data were collected using observations, interviews, and a review of school records. The data were analyzed using categorical aggregation, direct interpretation, constant comparison, and identification of patterns. On analysis, the following categories emerged from the data: identification of supportive systems, in-class strategies, premonition and environmental analysis, thought cessation and redirection, and masking. These categories were amalgamated into two general patterns: preventive and reactive strategies. The results of the study show that although the strategies helped participants to cope with the immediate effects of bullying, they did not exempt participants from the psychological and emotional implications of peer victimization.

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Bullying Interventions—A Global Perspective and Local Case Study

• First Online: 12 January 2022

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• Rosalyn H. Shute   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7084-8328 3 &
• Phillip T. Slee 4  

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Since the Second World War, there has been a growing global acceptance of a moral philosophy of non-violent social change, of human rights in general and children’s rights specifically. These changes have formed a backdrop for action to understand and address school bullying, largely under the paradigm 1 view. Several recent international reports have investigated prevalence in various countries, demonstrating large differences. The UNESCO report in particular has tried to assess some of the features of effective interventions. This chapter examines these in relation to anti-bullying and health-promoting measures taken in the state of South Australia over the past thirty years. Initiatives, and the concept of bullying itself, have continued to evolve, becoming increasingly systemic, multi-sectoral and collaborative, and part of a vision whereby schools play an essential part in a broad conception of student wellbeing.

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Shute, R.H., Slee, P.T. (2021). Bullying Interventions—A Global Perspective and Local Case Study. In: School Bullying and Marginalisation. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7676-5_10

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Bullying: A Case Study Revisited

Cruelty and its impact, years later.

Posted April 9, 2015

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Several years ago, a teacher shared a scenario that exemplified how crafty and insidious bullying can be. I blogged about it at the time and reprinted the story here—as well as a followed up with the young victim:

From the outside, the abuse looked innocuous enough—kids around a table in the cafeteria, singing fragments of popular songs and laughing . Nothing to catch the attention of monitors—until another student bade a young teacher to listen carefully to the lyrics. Muse’s popular song was only tweaked, becoming "Far away / you can’t be far enough away / far away from the people who don’t care if you live or die." Instead of Lady Gaga’s lyrics, the kids chanted “you are so ugly / you are a disease. The boys don’t even want what you’re givin’ for free. No one wants your Love / Ew, yuck, ew / you’re such a joke.” Instead of Beyonce’s, “If you like it then you should’ve put a ring on it,” they sang “you’re a f*#% up and loser put a bag on it.” The repertoire was extensive, and new songs were added every week.

By and large, the students were careful to write lyrics that would pass censorship and not attract attention to themselves for profanity. They delighted in their own cleverness, and in their ability to get many uninvolved bystanders to sing a chorus as they waited in the food line. In other words, the humiliation of one girl became a popular bonding experience, and ad-libbing new lyrics was a way to get positive peer attention.

As they saw it, it was all just a joke. Ha Ha. Can’t she take a little joke?

Recently, I tracked down the victim (she is at a top-tier college) and she agreed to reflect on her experiences. I first asked whether she remembered the correct lyrics to those songs, all these years later. My mistake. I assumed the alternate lyrics were seared into her brain. Instead, she told me she had forgotten the revised songs, and would not have recalled the lyrics had I not transcribed them, years ago. When I asked whether she had ever gotten an apology , or if one would change anything now, she didn’t think there was any need.

Gratifying as it was to see her doing well, these were not the responses I anticipated. But as parents and educators think about bullying, it is important to keep in mind that not all incidents—not even all ongoing cruelties that clearly affect a young adult—will scar her for life. And that we may, at times, do a disservice to young people by rushing in to fix what we perceive as threatening, undermining their own abilities to handle it.

Our inability to gauge resilience is complicated by the fact that much cruelty lies in intersubjective nuances that are equally impossible to grasp, let alone gauge. However, much of the capacity for reparation lies in those nuances as well.

To my mind, singing cruelly revised songs (and encouraging others to sing along) was ongoing abuse, one that called for an intervention. However, "loud singing on the bus" was the only concrete issue that was ever addressed. The victim herself refused any involvement of school authorities, and—as she appears to be thriving—it seems this was the "right call" on her part. (Was it that she could not quite define herself as a victim? That she was handling her "victimization" in ways that adults could not see? That the teacher saw to it that ringleaders got in trouble for unrelated offenses? That—appearances to the contrary—she is burdened by insecurity and secret shame ?)

Interviewing this young woman prompted me to track down, and reconsider, something Clive Seale wrote almost two decades ago:

“in the ebb and flow of everyday interactions, as has been conveyed so effectively in the work of [Erving] Goffman, there exist numerous opportunities for small psychic losses, exclusions and humiliations, alternating with moments of repair and optimism . [Thomas] Scheff (1990) has sought to understand this quality of everyday interaction as consisting of cycles of shame and pride as the social bond is alternately damaged and repaired. The experience of loss and repair is, then, a daily event. In this sense “ bereavement ” (and recovery from it) describes the continual daily acknowledgement of the problem of human embodiment.” (1998)

To adults looking on, cruel song lyrics certainly seem a large "ebb" in the flow of this young student’s life—one requiring intervention. Her story, however, reminds us that as we forge ahead, looking for ways to protect our children against bullying, we must simultaneously enable them to negotiate the "ebbs" in life. A first step in this may simply involve helping them identify the "flow." This is not to lessen active response to bullying, or to sweep it under the rug, but to teach our children to challenge the negative self-narratives that form around bullying experiences. And—perhaps more importantly—to teach them that as bystanders, they contribute to the narratives of others (either implicitly or explicitly). At the risk of sounding Pollyannaish, the identification of counter-factual evidence may go far in challenging this negativity. It turns out, this is precisely what this young women was able to—though a group of friends outside the school environment, who not only raised awareness of, but contributed to, her flow.

Laura Martocci, Ph.D . is a Social Psychologist known for her work on bullying and shame. A former faculty member and dean at Wagner College, her current work centers around identity (re)construction and the transformative potential in change.

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Bullying in a primary school : a case study

Bullying has become a significant issue for schools and one that has attracted the media spotlight. It has also received considerable attention from the research community since the late 1980s following the tradition established through the work of many Scandinavian researchers. Much of the research has been longitudinal and sought to illuminate the experience of children who bullied or were being bullied. There has been considerably less research into teachers' and parents' understanding and experience of bullying between school children. This thesis seeks to rectify that situation by examining the views of Year 5 and 6 pupils, teachers and a sample of parents from a case study primary school. The research was conducted over a period of two years in a school referred to under the pseudonym Nicholas Street. The thesis investigates three questions: first, the meaning that key parties attribute to the term bullying; second, the nature of their experience in the context of the school; and third, their views on how it is handled or resolved. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and reinterviews with teachers; unstructured and semi-structured interviews, questionnaires and a selection 'game' with pupils and semi-structured interviews and questionnaires with parents. All interviews were audio-taped and transcribed onto a computer database (Hyperqual) and questionnaire responses from pupils were analysed with the support of computer technology (SPSS). The inductive analysis commenced with a case study of a single pupil, Lorraine. This provided the reference point for the structured analysis of bullying issues in the wider context of the school. Findings include: 0 the differing ways that bullying was defined by the parties; 0 the emergent distinction between a relationship that was founded on bullying and an action that might be described as bullying; 0 that bullying usually occurred between pupils in the same class and was not a clandestine activity nor unknown to non-participants (the secretive image); 0 that, although there was a degree of satisfaction reported by all parties concerning methods deployed in handling bullying, there was also inconsistency, confusion and a lack of awareness of policy.

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Western Journal of Emergency Medicine: Integrating Emergency Care with Population Health

A Case Study with an Identified Bully: Policy and Practice Implications

• Huddleston, Lillie B ;
• Varjas, Kris ;
• Meyers, Joel ;
• Cadenhead, Catherine

Objective: Bullying is a serious public health problem that may include verbal or physical injury as well as social isolation or exclusion. As a result, research is needed to establish a database for policies and interventions designed to prevent bullying and its negative effects. This paper presented a case study that contributed to the literature by describing an intervention for bullies that has implications for research, practice and related policies regarding bullying.

Methods: An individualized intervention for an identified bully was implemented using the Participatory Culture-Specific Intervention Model (PCSIM; Nastasi, Moore, & Varjas, 2004) with a seventh-grade middle school student. Ecological and culture-specific perspectives were used to develop and implement the intervention that included psychoeducational sessions with the student and consultation with the parent and school personnel. A mixed methods intervention design was used with the following informants: the target student, the mother of the student, a teacher and the school counselor. Qualitative data included semi-structured interviews with the parent, teacher and student, narrative classroom observations and evaluation/feedback forms filled out by the student and interventionist. Quantitative data included the following quantitative surveys (i.e., Child Posttraumatic Stress Reaction Index [CPTS-RI] and the Behavior Assessment Scale for Children, 2nd Edition). Both qualitative and quantitative data were used to evaluate the acceptability, integrity and efficacy of this intervention.

Results: The process of intervention design, implementation and evaluation are described through an illustrative case study. Qualitative and quantitative findings indicated a decrease in internalizing, externalizing and bullying behaviors as reported by the teacher and the mother, and a high degree of acceptability and treatment integrity as reported by multiple stakeholders.

Conclusion: This case study provided important contributions by describing an intervention that is targeted to specific needs of the bully by designing culture specific interventions and working with the student’s unique environmental contexts. Additional contributions included the use of mixed methods to document acceptability, integrity and efficacy of an intervention with documented positive effects in these areas. In addition, implications for policy and practice related to the treatment of students identified as bullies and future research needs are discussed. [West J Emerg Med 2011; XX(X)XX-XX].

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In April this year, Hein Schumacher, chief executive of Unilever, announced that the company was entering a “new era for sustainability leadership”, and signalled a shift from the central priority promoted under his predecessor , Alan Jope.

While Jope saw lack of social purpose or environmental sustainability as the way to prune brands from the portfolio, Schumacher has adopted a more balanced approach between purpose and profit. He stresses that Unilever should deliver on both sustainability commitments and financial goals. This approach, which we dub “realistic sustainability”, aims to balance long- and short-term environmental goals, ambition, and delivery.

As a result, Unilever’s refreshed sustainability agenda focuses harder on fewer commitments that the company says remain “very stretching”. In practice, this entails extending deadlines for taking action as well as reducing the scale of its targets for environmental, social and governance measures.

Such backpedalling is becoming widespread — with many companies retracting their commitments to climate targets , for example. According to FactSet, a US financial data and software provider, the number of US companies in the S&P 500 index mentioning “ESG” on their earnings calls has declined sharply : from a peak of 155 in the fourth quarter 2021 to just 29 two years later. This trend towards playing down a company’s ESG efforts, from fear of greater scrutiny or of accusations of empty claims, even has a name: “greenhushing”.

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About the authors: Gabriela Salinas is an adjunct professor of marketing at IE University; Jeeva Somasundaram is an assistant professor of decision sciences in operations and technology at IE University.

The series forms part of a wider collection of FT ‘instant teaching case studies ’, featured across our Business Education publications, that explore management challenges.

The change in approach is not limited to regulatory compliance and corporate reporting; it also affects consumer communications. While Jope believed that brands sold more when “guided by a purpose”, Schumacher argues that “we don’t want to force fit [purpose] on brands unnecessarily”.

His more nuanced view aligns with evidence that consumers’ responses to the sustainability and purpose communication attached to brand names depend on two key variables: the type of industry in which the brand operates; and the specific aspect of sustainability being communicated.

In terms of the sustainability message, research in the Journal of Business Ethics found consumers can be less interested when product functionality is key. Furthermore, a UK survey in 2022 found that about 15 per cent of consumers believed brands should support social causes, but nearly 60 per cent said they would rather see brand owners pay taxes and treat people fairly.

Among investors, too, “anti-purpose” and “anti-ESG” sentiment is growing. One (unnamed) leading bond fund manager even suggested to the FT that “ESG will be dead in five years”.

Media reports on the adverse impact of ESG controversies on investment are certainly now more frequent. For example, while Jope was still at the helm, the FT reported criticism of Unilever by influential fund manager Terry Smith for displaying sustainability credentials at the expense of managing the business.

Yet some executives feel under pressure to take a stand on environmental and social issues — in many cases believing they are morally obliged to do so or through a desire to improve their own reputations. This pressure may lead to a conflict with shareholders if sustainability becomes a promotional tool for managers, or for their personal social responsibility agenda, rather than creating business value .

Such opportunistic behaviours may lead to a perception that corporate sustainability policies are pursued only because of public image concerns.

Alison Taylor, at NYU Stern School of Business, recently described Unilever’s old materiality map — a visual representation of how companies assess which social and environmental factors matter most to them — to Sustainability magazine. She depicted it as an example of “baggy, vague, overambitious goals and self-aggrandising commitments that make little sense and falsely suggest a mayonnaise and soap company can solve intractable societal problems”.

In contrast, the “realism” approach of Schumacher is being promulgated as both more honest and more feasible. Former investment banker Alex Edmans, at London Business School, has coined the term “rational sustainability” to describe an approach that integrates financial principles into decision-making, and avoids using sustainability primarily for enhancing social image and reputation.

Such “rational sustainability” encompasses any business activity that creates long-term value — including product innovation, productivity enhancements, or corporate culture initiatives, regardless of whether they fall under the traditional ESG framework.

Similarly, Schumacher’s approach aims for fewer targets with greater impact, all while keeping financial objectives in sight.

Complex objectives, such as having a positive impact on the world, may be best achieved indirectly, as expounded by economist John Kay in his book, Obliquity . Schumacher’s “realistic sustainability” approach means focusing on long-term value creation, placing customers and investors to the fore. Saving the planet begins with meaningfully helping a company’s consumers and investors. Without their support, broader sustainability efforts risk failure.

Questions for discussion

Read: Unilever has ‘lost the plot’ by fixating on sustainability, says Terry Smith

Companies take step back from making climate target promises

The real impact of the ESG backlash

Unilever’s new chief says corporate purpose can be ‘unwelcome distraction ’

Unilever says new laxer environmental targets aim for ‘realism’

How should business executives incorporate ESG criteria in their commercial, investor, internal, and external communications? How can they strike a balance between purpose and profits?

How does purpose affect business and brand value? Under what circumstances or conditions can the impact of purpose be positive, neutral, or negative?

Are brands vehicles by which to drive social or environmental change? Is this the primary role of brands in the 21st century or do profits and clients’ needs come first?

Which categories or sectors might benefit most from strongly articulating and communicating a corporate purpose? Are there instances in which it might backfire?

In your opinion, is it necessary for brands to take a stance on social issues? Why or why not, and when?

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Despite harsh climate, agriculture on the northern margins of Russia still remains the backbone of food security. Historically, in both regions studied in this article – the Republic of Karelia and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) – agricultural activities as dairy farming and even cropping were well adapted to local conditions including traditional activities such as horse breeding typical for Yakutia. Using three different sources of information – official statistics, expert interviews, and field observations – allowed us to draw a conclusion that there are both similarities and differences in agricultural development and land use of these two studied regions. The differences arise from agro-climate conditions, settlement history, specialization, and spatial pattern of economy. In both regions, farming is concentrated within the areas with most suitable natural conditions. Yet, even there, agricultural land use is shrinking, especially in Karelia. Both regions are prone to being af...

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Blog The Education Hub

https://educationhub.blog.gov.uk/2024/05/16/new-rshe-guidance-what-it-means-for-sex-education-lessons-in-schools/

New RSHE guidance: What it means for sex education lessons in schools

R elationships, Sex and Health Education (RSHE) is a subject taught at both primary and secondary school.  

In 2020, Relationships and Sex Education was made compulsory for all secondary school pupils in England and Health Education compulsory for all pupils in state-funded schools.  

Last year, the Prime Minister and Education Secretary brought forward the first review of the curriculum following reports of pupils being taught inappropriate content in RSHE in some schools.  

The review was informed by the advice of an independent panel of experts. The results of the review and updated guidance for consultation has now been published.   

We are now asking for views from parents, schools and others before the guidance is finalised. You can find the consultation here .   

What is new in the updated curriculum?  

Following the panel’s advice, w e’re introducing age limits, to ensure children aren’t being taught about sensitive and complex subjects before they are ready to fully understand them.    

We are also making clear that the concept of gender identity – the sense a person may have of their own gender, whether male, female or a number of other categories   – is highly contested and should not be taught. This is in line with the cautious approach taken in our gu idance on gender questioning children.  

Along with other factors, teaching this theory in the classroom could prompt some children to start to question their gender when they may not have done so otherwise, and is a complex theory for children to understand.   

The facts about biological sex and gender reassignment will still be taught.  

The guidance for schools also contains a new section on transparency with parents, making it absolutely clear that parents have a legal right to know what their children are being taught in RSHE and can request to see teaching materials.   

In addition, we’re seeking views on adding several new subjects to the curriculum, and more detail on others. These include:   

• Suicide prevention  
• Sexual harassment and sexual violence  
• L oneliness  
• The prevalence of 'deepfakes’  
• Healthy behaviours during pregnancy, as well as miscarriage  
• Illegal online behaviours including drug and knife supply  
• The dangers of vaping   
• Menstrual and gynaecological health including endometriosis, polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) and heavy menstrual bleeding.  

What are the age limits?   

In primary school, we’ve set out that subjects such as the risks about online gaming, social media and scams should not be taught before year 3.   

Puberty shouldn’t be taught before year 4, whilst sex education shouldn’t be taught before year 5, in line with what pupils learn about conception and birth as part of the national curriculum for science.  

In secondary school, issues regarding sexual harassment shouldn’t be taught before year 7, direct references to suicide before year 8 and any explicit discussion of sexual activity before year 9.  

Do schools have to follow the guidance?  

Following the consultation, the guidance will be statutory, which means schools must follow it unless there are exceptional circumstances.   

There is some flexibility w ithin the age ratings, as schools will sometimes need to respond to questions from pupils about age-restricted content, if they come up earlier within their school community.   

In these circumstances, schools are instructed to make sure that teaching is limited to the essential facts without going into unnecessary details, and parents should be informed.  

When will schools start teaching this?  

School s will be able to use the guidance as soon as we publish the final version later this year.   

However, schools will need time to make changes to their curriculum, so we will allow an implementation period before the guidance comes into force.     

What can parents do with these resources once they have been shared?

This guidance has openness with parents at its heart. Parents are not able to veto curriculum content, but they should be able to see what their children are being taught, which gives them the opportunity to raise issues or concerns through the school’s own processes, if they want to.

Parents can also share copyrighted materials they have received from their school more widely under certain circumstances.

If they are not able to understand materials without assistance, parents can share the materials with translators to help them understand the content, on the basis that the material is not shared further.

Copyrighted material can also be shared under the law for so-called ‘fair dealing’ - for the purposes of quotation, criticism or review, which could include sharing for the purpose of making a complaint about the material.

This could consist of sharing with friends, families, faith leaders, lawyers, school organisations, governing bodies and trustees, local authorities, Ofsted and the media.  In each case, the sharing of the material must be proportionate and accompanied by an acknowledgment of the author and its ownership.

Under the same principle, parents can also share relevant extracts of materials with the general public, but except in cases where the material is very small, it is unlikely that it would be lawful to share the entirety of the material.

These principles would apply to any material which is being made available for teaching in schools, even if that material was provided subject to confidentiality restrictions.

Do all children have to learn RSHE?  

Parents still have the right to withdraw their child from sex education, but not from the essential content covered in relationships educatio n.  

You may also be interested in:

• Education Secretary's letter to parents: You have the right to see RSHE lesson material
• Sex education: What is RSHE and can parents access curriculum materials?
• What do children and young people learn in relationship, sex and health education

Tags: age ratings , Gender , Relationships and Sex Education , RSHE , sex ed , Sex education

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Out of the Centre

Savvino-storozhevsky monastery and museum.

Zvenigorod's most famous sight is the Savvino-Storozhevsky Monastery, which was founded in 1398 by the monk Savva from the Troitse-Sergieva Lavra, at the invitation and with the support of Prince Yury Dmitrievich of Zvenigorod. Savva was later canonised as St Sabbas (Savva) of Storozhev. The monastery late flourished under the reign of Tsar Alexis, who chose the monastery as his family church and often went on pilgrimage there and made lots of donations to it. Most of the monastery’s buildings date from this time. The monastery is heavily fortified with thick walls and six towers, the most impressive of which is the Krasny Tower which also serves as the eastern entrance. The monastery was closed in 1918 and only reopened in 1995. In 1998 Patriarch Alexius II took part in a service to return the relics of St Sabbas to the monastery. Today the monastery has the status of a stauropegic monastery, which is second in status to a lavra. In addition to being a working monastery, it also holds the Zvenigorod Historical, Architectural and Art Museum.

Belfry and Neighbouring Churches

Located near the main entrance is the monastery's belfry which is perhaps the calling card of the monastery due to its uniqueness. It was built in the 1650s and the St Sergius of Radonezh’s Church was opened on the middle tier in the mid-17th century, although it was originally dedicated to the Trinity. The belfry's 35-tonne Great Bladgovestny Bell fell in 1941 and was only restored and returned in 2003. Attached to the belfry is a large refectory and the Transfiguration Church, both of which were built on the orders of Tsar Alexis in the 1650s.  

To the left of the belfry is another, smaller, refectory which is attached to the Trinity Gate-Church, which was also constructed in the 1650s on the orders of Tsar Alexis who made it his own family church. The church is elaborately decorated with colourful trims and underneath the archway is a beautiful 19th century fresco.

Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral

The Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral is the oldest building in the monastery and among the oldest buildings in the Moscow Region. It was built between 1404 and 1405 during the lifetime of St Sabbas and using the funds of Prince Yury of Zvenigorod. The white-stone cathedral is a standard four-pillar design with a single golden dome. After the death of St Sabbas he was interred in the cathedral and a new altar dedicated to him was added.

Under the reign of Tsar Alexis the cathedral was decorated with frescoes by Stepan Ryazanets, some of which remain today. Tsar Alexis also presented the cathedral with a five-tier iconostasis, the top row of icons have been preserved.

Tsaritsa's Chambers

The Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral is located between the Tsaritsa's Chambers of the left and the Palace of Tsar Alexis on the right. The Tsaritsa's Chambers were built in the mid-17th century for the wife of Tsar Alexey - Tsaritsa Maria Ilinichna Miloskavskaya. The design of the building is influenced by the ancient Russian architectural style. Is prettier than the Tsar's chambers opposite, being red in colour with elaborately decorated window frames and entrance.

At present the Tsaritsa's Chambers houses the Zvenigorod Historical, Architectural and Art Museum. Among its displays is an accurate recreation of the interior of a noble lady's chambers including furniture, decorations and a decorated tiled oven, and an exhibition on the history of Zvenigorod and the monastery.

Palace of Tsar Alexis

The Palace of Tsar Alexis was built in the 1650s and is now one of the best surviving examples of non-religious architecture of that era. It was built especially for Tsar Alexis who often visited the monastery on religious pilgrimages. Its most striking feature is its pretty row of nine chimney spouts which resemble towers.

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The Unique Burial of a Child of Early Scythian Time at the Cemetery of Saryg-Bulun (Tuva)

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Pages:  379-406

In 1988, the Tuvan Archaeological Expedition (led by M. E. Kilunovskaya and V. A. Semenov) discovered a unique burial of the early Iron Age at Saryg-Bulun in Central Tuva. There are two burial mounds of the Aldy-Bel culture dated by 7th century BC. Within the barrows, which adjoined one another, forming a figure-of-eight, there were discovered 7 burials, from which a representative collection of artifacts was recovered. Burial 5 was the most unique, it was found in a coffin made of a larch trunk, with a tightly closed lid. Due to the preservative properties of larch and lack of air access, the coffin contained a well-preserved mummy of a child with an accompanying set of grave goods. The interred individual retained the skin on his face and had a leather headdress painted with red pigment and a coat, sewn from jerboa fur. The coat was belted with a leather belt with bronze ornaments and buckles. Besides that, a leather quiver with arrows with the shafts decorated with painted ornaments, fully preserved battle pick and a bow were buried in the coffin. Unexpectedly, the full-genomic analysis, showed that the individual was female. This fact opens a new aspect in the study of the social history of the Scythian society and perhaps brings us back to the myth of the Amazons, discussed by Herodotus. Of course, this discovery is unique in its preservation for the Scythian culture of Tuva and requires careful study and conservation.

Keywords: Tuva, Early Iron Age, early Scythian period, Aldy-Bel culture, barrow, burial in the coffin, mummy, full genome sequencing, aDNA

Information about authors: Marina Kilunovskaya (Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation). Candidate of Historical Sciences. Institute for the History of Material Culture of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Dvortsovaya Emb., 18, Saint Petersburg, 191186, Russian Federation E-mail: [email protected] Vladimir Semenov (Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation). Candidate of Historical Sciences. Institute for the History of Material Culture of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Dvortsovaya Emb., 18, Saint Petersburg, 191186, Russian Federation E-mail: [email protected] Varvara Busova  (Moscow, Russian Federation).  (Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation). Institute for the History of Material Culture of the Russian Academy of Sciences.  Dvortsovaya Emb., 18, Saint Petersburg, 191186, Russian Federation E-mail:  [email protected] Kharis Mustafin  (Moscow, Russian Federation). Candidate of Technical Sciences. Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology.  Institutsky Lane, 9, Dolgoprudny, 141701, Moscow Oblast, Russian Federation E-mail:  [email protected] Irina Alborova  (Moscow, Russian Federation). Candidate of Biological Sciences. Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology.  Institutsky Lane, 9, Dolgoprudny, 141701, Moscow Oblast, Russian Federation E-mail:  [email protected] Alina Matzvai  (Moscow, Russian Federation). Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology.  Institutsky Lane, 9, Dolgoprudny, 141701, Moscow Oblast, Russian Federation E-mail:  [email protected]

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