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Chapter Four: Theory, Methodologies, Methods, and Evidence

Research Methods

You are viewing the first edition of this textbook. a second edition is available – please visit the latest edition for updated information..

This page discusses the following topics:

Research Goals

Research method types.

Before discussing research methods , we need to distinguish them from methodologies and research skills . Methodologies, linked to literary theories, are tools and lines of investigation: sets of practices and propositions about texts and the world. Researchers using Marxist literary criticism will adopt methodologies that look to material forces like labor, ownership, and technology to understand literature and its relationship to the world. They will also seek to understand authors not as inspired geniuses but as people whose lives and work are shaped by social forces.

Example: Critical Race Theory Methodologies

Critical Race Theory may use a variety of methodologies, including

Interest convergence: investigating whether marginalized groups only achieve progress when dominant groups benefit as well
Intersectional theory: investigating how multiple factors of advantage and disadvantage around race, gender, ethnicity, religion, etc. operate together in complex ways
Radical critique of the law: investigating how the law has historically been used to marginalize particular groups, such as black people, while recognizing that legal efforts are important to achieve emancipation and civil rights
Social constructivism: investigating how race is socially constructed (rather than biologically grounded)
Standpoint epistemology: investigating how knowledge relates to social position
Structural determinism: investigating how structures of thought and of organizations determine social outcomes

To identify appropriate methodologies, you will need to research your chosen theory and gather what methodologies are associated with it. For the most part, we can’t assume that there are “one size fits all” methodologies.

Research skills are about how you handle materials such as library search engines, citation management programs, special collections materials, and so on.

Research methods are about where and how you get answers to your research questions. Are you conducting interviews? Visiting archives? Doing close readings? Reviewing scholarship? You will need to choose which methods are most appropriate to use in your research and you need to gain some knowledge about how to use these methods. In other words, you need to do some research into research methods!

Your choice of research method depends on the kind of questions you are asking. For example, if you want to understand how an author progressed through several drafts to arrive at a final manuscript, you may need to do archival research. If you want to understand why a particular literary work became a bestseller, you may need to do audience research. If you want to know why a contemporary author wrote a particular work, you may need to do interviews. Usually literary research involves a combination of methods such as archival research , discourse analysis , and qualitative research methods.

Literary research methods tend to differ from research methods in the hard sciences (such as physics and chemistry). Science research must present results that are reproducible, while literary research rarely does (though it must still present evidence for its claims). Literary research often deals with questions of meaning, social conventions, representations of lived experience, and aesthetic effects; these are questions that reward dialogue and different perspectives rather than one great experiment that settles the issue. In literary research, we might get many valuable answers even though they are quite different from one another. Also in literary research, we usually have some room to speculate about answers, but our claims have to be plausible (believable) and our argument comprehensive (meaning we don’t overlook evidence that would alter our argument significantly if it were known).

A literary researcher might select the following:

Theory: Critical Race Theory

Methodology: Social Constructivism

Method: Scholarly

Skills: Search engines, citation management

Wendy Belcher, in Writing Your Journal Article in 12 Weeks , identifies two main approaches to understanding literary works: looking at a text by itself (associated with New Criticism ) and looking at texts as they connect to society (associated with Cultural Studies ). The goal of New Criticism is to bring the reader further into the text. The goal of Cultural Studies is to bring the reader into the network of discourses that surround and pass through the text. Other approaches, such as Ecocriticism, relate literary texts to the Sciences (as well as to the Humanities).

The New Critics, starting in the 1940s, focused on meaning within the text itself, using a method they called “ close reading .” The text itself becomes e vidence for a particular reading. Using this approach, you should summarize the literary work briefly and q uote particularly meaningful passages, being sure to introduce quotes and then interpret them (never let them stand alone). Make connections within the work; a sk “why” and “how” the various parts of the text relate to each other.

Cultural Studies critics see all texts as connected to society; the critic therefore has to connect a text to at least one political or social issue. How and why does the text reproduce particular knowledge systems (known as discourses) and how do these knowledge systems relate to issues of power within the society? Who speaks and when? Answering these questions helps your reader understand the text in context. Cultural contexts can include the treatment of gender (Feminist, Queer), class (Marxist), nationality, race, religion, or any other area of human society.

Other approaches, such as psychoanalytic literary criticism , look at literary texts to better understand human psychology. A psychoanalytic reading can focus on a character, the author, the reader, or on society in general. Ecocriticism look at human understandings of nature in literary texts.

We select our research methods based on the kinds of things we want to know. For example, we may be studying the relationship between literature and society, between author and text, or the status of a work in the literary canon. We may want to know about a work’s form, genre, or thematics. We may want to know about the audience’s reading and reception, or about methods for teaching literature in schools.

Below are a few research methods and their descriptions. You may need to consult with your instructor about which ones are most appropriate for your project. The first list covers methods most students use in their work. The second list covers methods more commonly used by advanced researchers. Even if you will not be using methods from this second list in your research project, you may read about these research methods in the scholarship you find.

Most commonly used undergraduate research methods:

Scholarship Methods: Studies the body of scholarship written about a particular author, literary work, historical period, literary movement, genre, theme, theory, or method.
Textual Analysis Methods: Used for close readings of literary texts, these methods also rely on literary theory and background information to support the reading.
Biographical Methods: Used to study the life of the author to better understand their work and times, these methods involve reading biographies and autobiographies about the author, and may also include research into private papers, correspondence, and interviews.
Discourse Analysis Methods: Studies language patterns to reveal ideology and social relations of power. This research involves the study of institutions, social groups, and social movements to understand how people in various settings use language to represent the world to themselves and others. Literary works may present complex mixtures of discourses which the characters (and readers) have to navigate.
Creative Writing Methods: A literary re-working of another literary text, creative writing research is used to better understand a literary work by investigating its language, formal structures, composition methods, themes, and so on. For instance, a creative research project may retell a story from a minor character’s perspective to reveal an alternative reading of events. To qualify as research, a creative research project is usually combined with a piece of theoretical writing that explains and justifies the work.

Methods used more often by advanced researchers:

Archival Methods: Usually involves trips to special collections where original papers are kept. In these archives are many unpublished materials such as diaries, letters, photographs, ledgers, and so on. These materials can offer us invaluable insight into the life of an author, the development of a literary work, or the society in which the author lived. There are at least three major archives of James Baldwin’s papers: The Smithsonian , Yale , and The New York Public Library . Descriptions of such materials are often available online, but the materials themselves are typically stored in boxes at the archive.
Computational Methods: Used for statistical analysis of texts such as studies of the popularity and meaning of particular words in literature over time.
Ethnographic Methods: Studies groups of people and their interactions with literary works, for instance in educational institutions, in reading groups (such as book clubs), and in fan networks. This approach may involve interviews and visits to places (including online communities) where people interact with literary works. Note: before you begin such work, you must have Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval “to protect the rights and welfare of human participants involved in research.”
Visual Methods: Studies the visual qualities of literary works. Some literary works, such as illuminated manuscripts, children’s literature, and graphic novels, present a complex interplay of text and image. Even works without illustrations can be studied for their use of typography, layout, and other visual features.

Regardless of the method(s) you choose, you will need to learn how to apply them to your work and how to carry them out successfully. For example, you should know that many archives do not allow you to bring pens (you can use pencils) and you may not be allowed to bring bags into the archives. You will need to keep a record of which documents you consult and their location (box number, etc.) in the archives. If you are unsure how to use a particular method, please consult a book about it. [1] Also, ask for the advice of trained researchers such as your instructor or a research librarian.

What research method(s) will you be using for your paper? Why did you make this method selection over other methods? If you haven’t made a selection yet, which methods are you considering?
What specific methodological approaches are you most interested in exploring in relation to the chosen literary work?
What is your plan for researching your method(s) and its major approaches?
What was the most important lesson you learned from this page? What point was confusing or difficult to understand?

Write your answers in a webcourse discussion page.

Introduction to Research Methods: A Practical Guide for Anyone Undertaking a Research Project by Catherine, Dr. Dawson
Practical Research Methods: A User-Friendly Guide to Mastering Research Techniques and Projects by Catherine Dawson
Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches by John W. Creswell Cheryl N. Poth
Qualitative Research Evaluation Methods: Integrating Theory and Practice by Michael Quinn Patton
Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches by John W. Creswell J. David Creswell
Research Methodology: A Step-by-Step Guide for Beginners by Ranjit Kumar
Research Methodology: Methods and Techniques by C.R. Kothari

Strategies for Conducting Literary Research Copyright © 2021 by Barry Mauer & John Venecek is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Table of Contents
Acknowledgments
1. Research Methods for English Studies: An Introduction (Gabriele Griffin)
2. Archival Methods (Carolyn Steedman)
3. Auto/biographical Methods (Mary Evans)
4. Oral History (Penny Summerfield)
5. Visual Methodologies (Gillian Rose)
6. Discourse Analysis (Gabriele Griffin)
7. The Uses of Ethnographic Methods in English Studies (Rachel Alsop)
8. Numbers and Words: Quantitative Methods for Scholars of Texts (Pat Hudson)
9. Textual Analysis (Catherine Belsey)
10. Interviewing (Gabriele Griffin)
11. Creative Writing as a Research Method (Jon Cook)
12. ICT as a Research Method (Harold Short and Marilyn Deegan)
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Methodology

Research Methods | Definitions, Types, Examples

Research methods are specific procedures for collecting and analyzing data. Developing your research methods is an integral part of your research design . When planning your methods, there are two key decisions you will make.

First, decide how you will collect data . Your methods depend on what type of data you need to answer your research question :

Qualitative vs. quantitative : Will your data take the form of words or numbers?
Primary vs. secondary : Will you collect original data yourself, or will you use data that has already been collected by someone else?
Descriptive vs. experimental : Will you take measurements of something as it is, or will you perform an experiment?

Second, decide how you will analyze the data .

For quantitative data, you can use statistical analysis methods to test relationships between variables.
For qualitative data, you can use methods such as thematic analysis to interpret patterns and meanings in the data.

Methods for collecting data, examples of data collection methods, methods for analyzing data, examples of data analysis methods, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions about research methods.

Data is the information that you collect for the purposes of answering your research question . The type of data you need depends on the aims of your research.

Qualitative vs. quantitative data

Your choice of qualitative or quantitative data collection depends on the type of knowledge you want to develop.

For questions about ideas, experiences and meanings, or to study something that can’t be described numerically, collect qualitative data .

If you want to develop a more mechanistic understanding of a topic, or your research involves hypothesis testing , collect quantitative data .


Qualitative		to broader populations. .
Quantitative		.

You can also take a mixed methods approach , where you use both qualitative and quantitative research methods.

Primary vs. secondary research

Primary research is any original data that you collect yourself for the purposes of answering your research question (e.g. through surveys , observations and experiments ). Secondary research is data that has already been collected by other researchers (e.g. in a government census or previous scientific studies).

If you are exploring a novel research question, you’ll probably need to collect primary data . But if you want to synthesize existing knowledge, analyze historical trends, or identify patterns on a large scale, secondary data might be a better choice.


Primary	.	methods.
Secondary

Descriptive vs. experimental data

In descriptive research , you collect data about your study subject without intervening. The validity of your research will depend on your sampling method .

In experimental research , you systematically intervene in a process and measure the outcome. The validity of your research will depend on your experimental design .

To conduct an experiment, you need to be able to vary your independent variable , precisely measure your dependent variable, and control for confounding variables . If it’s practically and ethically possible, this method is the best choice for answering questions about cause and effect.


Descriptive		. .
Experimental

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Research methods for collecting data
Research method	Primary or secondary?	Qualitative or quantitative?	When to use
	Primary	Quantitative	To test cause-and-effect relationships.
	Primary	Quantitative	To understand general characteristics of a population.
Interview/focus group	Primary	Qualitative	To gain more in-depth understanding of a topic.
Observation	Primary	Either	To understand how something occurs in its natural setting.
	Secondary	Either	To situate your research in an existing body of work, or to evaluate trends within a research topic.
	Either	Either	To gain an in-depth understanding of a specific group or context, or when you don’t have the resources for a large study.

Your data analysis methods will depend on the type of data you collect and how you prepare it for analysis.

Data can often be analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively. For example, survey responses could be analyzed qualitatively by studying the meanings of responses or quantitatively by studying the frequencies of responses.

Qualitative analysis methods

Qualitative analysis is used to understand words, ideas, and experiences. You can use it to interpret data that was collected:

From open-ended surveys and interviews , literature reviews , case studies , ethnographies , and other sources that use text rather than numbers.
Using non-probability sampling methods .

Qualitative analysis tends to be quite flexible and relies on the researcher’s judgement, so you have to reflect carefully on your choices and assumptions and be careful to avoid research bias .

Quantitative analysis methods

Quantitative analysis uses numbers and statistics to understand frequencies, averages and correlations (in descriptive studies) or cause-and-effect relationships (in experiments).

You can use quantitative analysis to interpret data that was collected either:

During an experiment .
Using probability sampling methods .

Because the data is collected and analyzed in a statistically valid way, the results of quantitative analysis can be easily standardized and shared among researchers.

Research methods for analyzing data
Research method	Qualitative or quantitative?	When to use
	Quantitative	To analyze data collected in a statistically valid manner (e.g. from experiments, surveys, and observations).
Meta-analysis	Quantitative	To statistically analyze the results of a large collection of studies. Can only be applied to studies that collected data in a statistically valid manner.
	Qualitative	To analyze data collected from interviews, , or textual sources. To understand general themes in the data and how they are communicated.
	Either	To analyze large volumes of textual or visual data collected from surveys, literature reviews, or other sources. Can be quantitative (i.e. frequencies of words) or qualitative (i.e. meanings of words).

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If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

Chi square test of independence
Statistical power
Descriptive statistics
Degrees of freedom
Pearson correlation
Null hypothesis
Double-blind study
Case-control study
Research ethics
Data collection
Hypothesis testing
Structured interviews

Research bias

Hawthorne effect
Unconscious bias
Recall bias
Halo effect
Self-serving bias
Information bias

Quantitative research deals with numbers and statistics, while qualitative research deals with words and meanings.

Quantitative methods allow you to systematically measure variables and test hypotheses . Qualitative methods allow you to explore concepts and experiences in more detail.

In mixed methods research , you use both qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis methods to answer your research question .

A sample is a subset of individuals from a larger population . Sampling means selecting the group that you will actually collect data from in your research. For example, if you are researching the opinions of students in your university, you could survey a sample of 100 students.

In statistics, sampling allows you to test a hypothesis about the characteristics of a population.

The research methods you use depend on the type of data you need to answer your research question .

If you want to measure something or test a hypothesis , use quantitative methods . If you want to explore ideas, thoughts and meanings, use qualitative methods .
If you want to analyze a large amount of readily-available data, use secondary data. If you want data specific to your purposes with control over how it is generated, collect primary data.
If you want to establish cause-and-effect relationships between variables , use experimental methods. If you want to understand the characteristics of a research subject, use descriptive methods.

Methodology refers to the overarching strategy and rationale of your research project . It involves studying the methods used in your field and the theories or principles behind them, in order to develop an approach that matches your objectives.

Methods are the specific tools and procedures you use to collect and analyze data (for example, experiments, surveys , and statistical tests ).

In shorter scientific papers, where the aim is to report the findings of a specific study, you might simply describe what you did in a methods section .

In a longer or more complex research project, such as a thesis or dissertation , you will probably include a methodology section , where you explain your approach to answering the research questions and cite relevant sources to support your choice of methods.

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1. Research Methods for English Studies: An Introduction

From the book research methods for english studies.

Gabriele Griffin
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ENGL461 Qualitative Research Methods in English Studies

How do student-activists spread their messages? How does social media factor into student experience? What kinds of writing and performing do UMD students do outside of class? How do students use what they learn in writing classes throughout their time in college and beyond? How do people use writing in their workplaces and communities? These are all questions that can be answered using qualitative research methods.

Qualitative research can help you understand how and why people behave in particular ways and in particular situations. Beyond the academic context, people use qualitative research methods to better understand others’ perspectives, to come up with solutions to community problems, and even to improve businesses and products. Scholars in English studies, especially writing studies, have increasingly turned to such methods to answer questions about how writing is practiced, learned, and taught in a variety of contexts.

In this class, you will learn about theoretical perspectives on qualitative research. But further, you will actually practice the methods through a class research project on UMD students’ literacies. You will be guided through the research process as you and your classmates craft research questions, conduct field observations, design and distribute surveys, and conduct interviews. Together, we will analyze our data and present our results at the end of the term. By the end of this course, you will have a toolkit of methods for data collection and analysis and a working knowledge of when and how to use those methods effectively and ethically.

Section(s): 0101 - Sara Wilder

This course will teach students to research, analyze, evaluate, and apply critical approaches and methods in the field of English studies. The main aim is to prepare them to conduct their own independent research study.

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Research Methods for English Language Teachers

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This book offers a lively introduction to the research methods and techniques available to English language teachers who wish to investigate aspects of their own practice. It covers qualitative and quantitative methodology and includes sections on observation, introspection, diary studies, experiments, interviews, questionnaires, numerical techniques and case study research. Each method is illustrated with examples in language teaching contexts, and techniques of data collection and analysis are introduced. The authors focus particularly on research in the classroom, on tests, materials, the effects of innovations, and they discuss methods appropriate to research in various collaborative modes as well as by individuals. A key feature of the book is an introduction to the debate surrounding different approaches to research, with an evaluation of traditional research in relation to the paradigms associated with reflective practice and action research. The book is ideal for teachers on initial training and post-experience courses, students on degree programmes in applied linguistics and TEFL and, of course, practising teachers with an interest in research methods in language teaching.

Chapter | 4 pages, introduction: setting the scene, part 1 | 85 pages, principles and perspectives, chapter 1 | 14 pages, teachers in action, chapter 2 | 16 pages, the teacher researcher in focus, chapter 3 | 20 pages, what is research, chapter 4 | 18 pages, principles and problems: what makes good research, chapter 5 | 16 pages, generating research, part 2 | 141 pages, topics and methods, chapter 6 | 8 pages, definitions and overview, chapter 7 | 20 pages, observing language classrooms, chapter 8 | 16 pages, diaries and diary studies, chapter 9 | 18 pages, using numbers, chapter 10 | 16 pages, doing experiments, chapter 11 | 18 pages, asking questions, chapter 12 | 14 pages, looking inside: methods for introspection, chapter 13 | 16 pages, studying cases, chapter 14 | 14 pages, mixing research methods, chapter | 8 pages.

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Publisher ‏ : ‎ Edinburgh University Press; 2nd edition (September 13, 2013)
Publication date ‏ : ‎ September 13, 2013
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Course - geography in practice - field and research design - geog3008, course-details-portlet, geog3008 - geography in practice - field and research design, examination arrangement.

Examination arrangement: Assignment Grade: Letter grades

Evaluation	Weighting	Duration	Grade deviation	Examination aids
Assignment	100/100

Course content

The course aims to give students knowledge about research design with an emphasis on the relation between theory, methodology and empirical research. The course starts with introductory lectures and obligatory fieldwork preparation where the students in groups will formulate research questions and prepare a research design. Following this there will be a three-day fieldcourse where students in groups will carry out an empirical study. The research questions must be formulated be within the focus areas at the Department of Geography. The research questions and main findings shall be reported in the form of a short, written group-based report.

Learning outcome

A student who has completed this course should have the following learning outcomes defined in terms of knowledge, skills and general competence:

has insight and a critical understanding of a research process through the formulation of research questions and design, including the use of theoretical and methodological approaches within a chosen research topic.
has experience in field methodology, experience in preparing research design and plan a research process, development of issues, justify problem solving, identify relevant theoretical and methodological approaches.

General competence:

has training in professional analysis, writing, fieldwork and professional interaction.

Learning methods and activities

6 hours lectures, 3 days fieldwork, group-based report.

Compulsory assignments

Field course preparations, field course, group-based report.

Further on evaluation

The examination in this course is an individual assignment. The assignment shall be based on the fieldwork with emphasis on research design and choice of methods. The assignment should not overlap the students master`s thesis (GEOG3900/GEOG3901).

Specific conditions

Admission to a programme of study is required: Geography (MGEOG) Geography with Teacher Education, years 8 - 13 (MLGEOG)

Required previous knowledge

Completed GEOG1010, GEOG1011, GEOG1012, GEOG1013, GEOG1014. Other relevant qualifications can be accepted upon approval by the Department of Geography.

Credit reductions

Course code	Reduction	From	To
GEOG3003	7.5	AUTUMN 2017

Version: 1 Credits: 7.5 SP Study level: Second degree level

Term no.: 1 Teaching semester: AUTUMN 2024

Language of instruction: Norwegian

Location: Trondheim

Social Sciences
Hilde Nymoen Rørtveit
Francis Chantel Nixon
Haakon Lein
Pascal Emanuel Egli

Department with academic responsibility Department of Geography

Examination

Examination arrangement: assignment.

Release 2024-10-30

Submission 2024-11-27

Room	Building	Number of candidates

* The location (room) for a written examination is published 3 days before examination date. If more than one room is listed, you will find your room at Studentweb.

For more information regarding registration for examination and examination procedures, see "Innsida - Exams"

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The Directory of Open Access Journals

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Didaktika: Jurnal Kependidikan (May 2024)

Teachers’ Perception On Project Based Learning Method In Teaching English Lesson

Yunda Walia Shafaa,
Sholihatul Hamidah Daulay

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This research investigates how English teachers at Budi Satrya School view project-based learning. The strategy used in this study to gather data from interviews is qualitative. Next, information was gathered to determine how Budi Satrya School teachers felt about Project Based Learning. The findings demonstrate that the Budi Satrya School students benefited from the teachers' application of project-based learning. Additionally, according to this research, children become self-regulated, motivated, cooperative, critical, and communicative learners when they interact with the actual world. Project-based learning has greater beneficial effects than traditional teaching techniques. Project-Based Learning has many benefits over traditional teaching methods, even though it cannot be used with all selected materials.

Project-Based Learning
Teachers’ Perception

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Background Childhood adversity is associated with a host of negative health and socioeconomic outcomes far into adulthood. The process of avoiding such outcomes is often referred to as resilience. Mapping resilience comprehensively and across contexts is highly relevant to public health, as it is a step towards understanding environments and interventions that contribute to preventing or reversing negative outcomes after early adverse experiences.

Objectives This review scoped out the literature on resilience factors in relation to adulthood outcomes as diverse as mental health and educational attainment. Our aim was to understand where there is untapped research potential, by examining the current evidence base on resilience factors in terms of (a) resources that can buffer the impact of childhood adversity and (b) the pathways linking adversity to long-term outcomes. Furthermore, we aimed to identify gender patterns in these resources and pathways, which has not been a primary interest of reviews on resilience to date, and which can add to our understanding of the different ways in which resilience may unfold.

Eligibility criteria Studies had to include an adversity experienced in childhood, an outcome considered indicative of resilience in adulthood, and at least one putative resilience factor, which had to be approached via mediation or moderation analysis. We considered cohort, case–control and cross-sectional studies.

Sources of evidence We searched PubMed, Scopus and PsycINFO and included original, peer-reviewed articles published before 20 July 2023 in English, German, French, Spanish, Dutch and Swedish.

Charting methods All three authors collaborated on the extraction of information relevant to answering the research questions. The results were visually and narratively summarised.

Results We included 102 studies. Traditionally anchored in the field of psychology, the resilience literature focuses heavily on individual-level resilience factors. Gender was considered in approximately 22% of included studies and was always limited to comparisons between men and women. There is no evidence that childhood adversity impacts men and women differently in the long term, but there is some evidence for gender differences in resilience factors.

Conclusions There is untapped potential in resilience research. By considering structural-level factors simultaneously with individual-level factors, and including gender as one of the elements that shape resilience, we can map resilience as a heterogeneous, multilevel process from a public health perspective. This would complement the extensive existing literature on individual-level factors and help reframe resilience as a concept that can be intervened on at a structural level, and that is subject to societal norms and forces, such as gender. There is a lack of quantitative studies including transgender and gender-non-conforming persons.

PUBLIC HEALTH
Social Support
MENTAL HEALTH

Data availability statement

Data sharing not applicable as no datasets generated and/or analysed for this study.

This is an open access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work non-commercially, and license their derivative works on different terms, provided the original work is properly cited, appropriate credit is given, any changes made indicated, and the use is non-commercial. See: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ .

https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2023-080259

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STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY

Adherence to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analyses extension for Scoping Reviews guidelines.

Comprehensive review of studies using different operationalisations of resilience in the context of childhood adversity.

Unique focus on gender patterns in resilience.

High heterogeneity of included studies, and therefore, challenging to draw overarching conclusions on resilience factors.

Introduction

Resilience refers to positive adaptation after exposure to adversity. 1 2 It is often conceptualised in terms of health and well-being. 1 3 4 A deeper understanding of resilience is highly relevant for public health: what are the factors and circumstances that allow individuals to overcome the increased risk imposed on them by adversity? For exploring questions like these, childhood adversity (CA) is a viable starting point because it is linked to poor health and other negative outcomes far into adulthood. 5–8 Resilience can then be understood as the context-dependent, fluctuating process of avoiding these negative outcomes and is shaped by the resources an individual can access, as well as by additional risks. 2 Empirically, these resource and risk factors can be operationalised as moderators and mediators of CA. A ‘positive’ moderator is a resource, such as social support, that is even more beneficial in the context of CA than it is in more advantageous circumstances. Understanding these kinds of moderators can guide policy-makers in creating environments that foster resilience. Conversely, a ‘negative’ moderator would exacerbate the impact of CA. A mediator is a factor that lies on the pathway between CA and a negative consequence, for example, lower educational achievement as ‘step’ between CA and adult unemployment. If removing such mediators, one would absorb part of the negative impact of CA. This scoping review, in line with others, 9 uses the term ‘resilience factors’ to refer to these mediators and moderators of adversity. Both types of resilience factors are of interest when it comes to painting a full picture of resilience processes and how to foster them. After decades of research on resilience, it is time to draw an interim balance of the current evidence base, identifying weaknesses and untapped potential for further knowledge gains.

There are already several reviews investigating forms of CA, such as childhood neglect, 10 in relation to different resilience factors and mental health outcomes in adulthood. 10 11 However, there are to the best of our knowledge no reviews combining different types of CA, different types of adulthood outcomes—including, but not limited to mental health—and different types of resilience factors. Limiting reviews to individual types of early adverse exposures and/or individual types of adult health outcomes makes the amount of literature to synthesise more manageable and findings more easily interpretable, but resilience as an overarching concept merits an attempt to go beyond narrow definitions and opening up to an interdisciplinary engagement with it. We, therefore, chose to conduct a scoping review that is open to different resilience definitions and resilience factors, with our only restriction being that resilience was considered the outcome of interest and was not operationalised as an individual trait. The latter would contradict our preferred understanding of resilience as a process shaped by circumstance but achievable for all.

Against this backdrop, we also scope out what is known about gender patterns in resilience processes. Resilience has rarely been approached from a gender perspective, despite the fact that gender, the socially constructed norms and roles linked to being a man or a woman, 1 12 is relevant for a number of reasons. First, a gender-sensitive approach can enrich conceptual models of resilience. 1 12 13 For example, Ungar and Theron 1 view resilience as a multisystemic process and propose that gender should be considered as a possible overarching source of difference in regard to resilience factors. Second, mental ill health and other outcomes considered in the context of CA are often distributed differently between men and women, even in the absence of CA. 14 Third, there are empirical studies that point to gender differences in resilience factors, for example, due to gendered norms around acceptable coping strategies. 15 All in all, there are many arguments for a more gender-sensitive approach to resilience research, 1 12 13 incorporating gender in the formulation of research questions, in the selection of exposures, outcomes and resilience factors, and when interpreting findings.

This scoping review maps resilience as a multicomponent process (a) in terms of resilience factors (b) through which exposure to CA (c) relates to an outcome in adulthood (d) ( figure 1 ). This provides the background against which we also explore gender patterns across studies. Since we wanted to include studies on resilience that are heterogeneous in terms of study designs, effect measures and exposure as well as outcome definitions, we preferred a scoping over a systematic review. Scoping reviews are best suited for an exploration of the research surrounding a multifaceted concept such as resilience, identifying research gaps and possible directions for the future. A systematic review would have required a more stringent definition of exposure, outcome and resilience factors from the outset, limiting our ability to refine search and evidence synthesis in an iterative process. 16 Nevertheless, we conducted the literature search and data extraction in a systematic and stringent manner.

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Conceptual map of resilience processes in the context of this scoping review.

The present study offers an up-to-date review of evidence on resilience factors in the context of CA and adulthood outcomes, with a particular interest in gender patterns. It considers a variety of CA measures and outcomes in adulthood, including outcomes related to mental health, physical health and socioeconomic indicators such as educational attainment. We covered three research questions:

What is known about resilience factors (mediators and moderators) in the association between CA and adulthood outcomes?

What is known about gender differences in the association between CA and adulthood outcomes?

What is known about gender patterns in resilience factors in the context of CA and adulthood outcomes?

Resulting from these questions, we suggest areas of improvement for future research.

We followed the steps proposed by Arksey et al 17 and expanded on by Levac et al , 18 with the exception of the optional step of stakeholder consultation. We report the review process and results in line with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR). 16 There was no patient or public involvement in this review.

Protocol and registration

The protocol for this scoping review is available on osf.io (DOI 10.17605/OSF.IO/KYHTA).

Eligibility criteria

We included articles where the study population was comprised of adults aged 18 or older who were sampled randomly or as convenience samples from the general population or specific settings such as primary healthcare. We required the population to entail both exposed and unexposed individuals, as well as individuals with and without the outcome in question. We excluded populations where all individuals had received a diagnosis and the study focused on, for example, differences in symptom severity. For the exposure, CA definitions were restricted to studies capturing at least one of the experiences covered in the seminal study by Felitti et al 19 on adverse childhood experiences. Adulthood outcomes in included studies could comprise different measures of positive adaptation or resilience, framed either in terms of the absence of a negative outcome (eg, depressive symptoms) or the presence of a positive outcome (eg, well-being). During the screening process, eligibility criteria were increasingly refined and expanded. Most importantly, criteria in relation to the appropriateness of the statistical analyses were added, mainly the existence of an appropriate comparison group and the use of moderation analysis for identifying moderators of CA, and mediation analysis for identifying mediators of CA. We allowed for cross-sectional, case–control and cohort studies but excluded qualitative studies, intervention studies, case studies and case series, and animal studies. Furthermore, studies on biological or genetic resilience factors were excluded, in order to keep the amount of information synthesised in the results manageable. We considered only peer-reviewed articles. An overview of inclusion and exclusion criteria is available in online supplemental material S1 .

Supplemental material

Information sources and search.

After several test searches, a final search was conducted on PubMed, PsycINFO and Scopus on 25 June 2021, including all peer-reviewed studies with no limitation regarding publishing date. A renewed search for additional publications with the same search strings was conducted on 20 July 2023. All search strings can be found in online supplemental material S2 . Results were imported to an online screening tool provided by Rayyan, and duplicates were detected automatically. The deletion of duplicates was done manually. Since few studies place an explicit focus on gender patterns in resilience processes, we did not include terms related to gender (such as gender, sex, men, women, males and females) in the search string, to avoid missing out on studies that performed relevant secondary analyses involving sex or gender. No manual search strategies such as snowball search were applied, due to the already large amount of material collected.

Selection of sources of evidence

Titles and abstracts were screened independently by two authors. Articles where both agreed on exclusion were excluded. Articles, where at least one of the authors was unsure about exclusion, were retained for full-text screening, as were articles where both approved inclusion. Each article set aside for full-text screening was screened by at least two authors independently. Conflicting decisions were discussed between all three authors until a decision could be reached. Where needed, adjustments to the inclusion/exclusion criteria were made.

Data charting

Due to the high degree of heterogeneity of included studies, a quantitative pooling of effect measures or measures of association was not appropriate. To retrieve the information of interest for the proposed research questions, as well as characteristics relevant for the quality assessment and description of the studies, an Excel sheet was created and iteratively adapted during the early stages of the screening process. Data charting was done by one author, and the results relevant to answering the three research questions extracted from each study were cross-checked by one of the other authors.

Data retrieved from the articles are author(s) and year of publication; country; sample characteristics; sample size; study design; exposure (definition, assessment and operationalisation), outcome (definition, assessment and operationalisation); main statistical analysis; proposed mediator(s)/moderator(s) of the exposure–outcome relationship; evidence for mediation/moderation; and any analyses relating to gender.

Critical appraisal of individual sources of evidence

We conducted a quality assessment of the included studies, in order to help the reader gauge generalisability and risk of bias of the evidence synthesised in this review. This information also helps garner an understanding of the methodological shortcomings in this research field. The criteria were based on a quality assessment tool used by Norman et al 20 in their systematic review of observational studies on the long-term impact of CA. This tool considers among others the representativeness of the population, assessment of exposure and outcome, selection of unexposed comparison groups, follow-up and response rate, and the appropriateness of statistical analyses. Criteria were modified for the purpose of this scoping review, after discussions among all three authors, and can be found in online supplemental material S3a and b .

Synthesis of results

The results were descriptively and visually summarised in several results tables and figures. Results in relation to the main study characteristics as well as each of the research questions were additionally summarised narratively. To facilitate summarising the results despite the heterogeneous collection of resilience factors, the three authors categorised resilience factors across overarching levels, guided by the Dahlgren and Whitehead model of health determinants. 21 This is in line with similar reviews, even though the exact terminology may vary 11 , and consistent with a public health take on resilience. Specifically, we decided on a higher-order categorisation representing the individual level, relationships with other persons, and structural-level factors, and then agreed on further subcategories, such as coping-related or attachment-related factors.

The initial search resulted in 3300 hits, of which 884 were duplicates. After the title and abstract screening, 354 articles remained for full-text screening. The second search resulted in 51 additional articles for full-text screening. A PRISMA flow chart is accessible in online supplemental material S4 . This review included a total of 102 studies investigating CA, resilience factors and adulthood outcomes. Most studies (74%, n=75) considered at least one mental health outcome, and roughly one-third (32%, n=24) of these explicitly focused on or included outcomes related to anxiety, depression or both. The majority of studies (71%, n=72) operationalised resilient outcomes as the absence of a negative indicator, or lower values on a score rating a negative outcome, rather than considering positive indicators alone or in combination with negative indicators. 27% of studies had samples comprising only women (n=26) or only men (n=2) and were therefore not able to compare resilience processes between the two. Among the studies with all female samples, more than one-third (n=9) focused exclusively on sexual abuse as the exposure, compared with two studies with this exposure definition among those with mixed samples. Of the 74 studies with mixed samples, 31% (n=23) investigated gender patterns in relation to the differential impact of CA by gender (gender×CA) and/or gender patterns in terms of mediation or moderation of CA. There were no studies that met our inclusion criteria that included transgender or gender-non-conforming adults, which is why this review was only able to discuss gender patterns as captured by differences between men and women. Most studies were conducted in North America (66%, n=67). Additional study characteristics for all included studies are visualised in figure 2 and presented in more detail in online supplemental material S5 .

Study characteristics.

Studies were of varied quality, but mostly poor to moderate, using mainly retrospectively assessed exposure data (91%, n=93) and/or convenience samples (55%, n=56). A strength of many studies was the consistent application of validated scales and clinical assessments of different psychological symptoms or diagnoses (84%, n=86). The quality scores are summarised in figure 3 and presented in more detail in supplementary material (S6).

Quality assessment—overview.

In the following, we present a narrative summary of the results by research question.

RQ 1: what is known about mediators and moderators of the association between CA and adulthood outcomes?

The putative resilience factors covered across studies were highly heterogeneous. We describe and discuss them according to three overarching levels (individual, relational and structural), and subcategories within each of these, such as attachment and coping. An overview of all resilience factors by category is available in online supplemental material S7 , and references for all included studies are also listed in online supplemental material S8 . In the following, we will provide a narrative summary of some of the most commonly investigated mediators and moderators of CA. A visual overview is presented in figure 4 .

Overview of resilience factor counts by category and significance level.

Individual level

At the individual level, coping-related factors were most often investigated (n=41), predominantly as mediators. Emotion-oriented coping emerged as the most robust mediator of CA, with five out of five studies finding evidence for a significant indirect effect in terms of both physical and psychiatric health outcomes. 22–26 Similarly, 60% of the studies including factors related to emotion regulation returned significant indirect effects. 27–34 Self-esteem was the most robust individual-level buffer of CA, with two out of three studies finding self-esteem to be a moderator in relation to lower psychological distress in a women-only sample 35 and decreased risk of internalising disorders in a mixed sample. 36 No evidence for moderation was found using an index of different psychopathological outcomes and self-esteem in adolescence. 37 Meaning-making factors, including, for example, spirituality, were not part of any mediational models, but were exclusively investigated as moderators. Evidence was mixed, with half of the studies returning non-significant and half returning significant findings.

Relational level

At the relational level, social support measures and different qualities of social relationships were most frequently investigated (n=38 on availability of social support, n=20 on quality of social relationships), mainly as moderators (n=26 and n=18, respectively). Findings were mixed: 46% of social support indicators (n=12) and 33% of indicators capturing the quality of social relationships (n=6) resulted in significant interactions with CA. Among those who did find evidence for interaction, several studies identified support by friends in both childhood 38 and adulthood to be a buffer. 39 40 Family social support did not act in the same way and was no significant buffer in any of the studies investigating it as a separate social support category. 38–40 However, all studies that investigated the buffering effect of a supporting adult during childhood generally identified significant interactions in relation to both physical and mental health outcomes. 41–43 Furthermore, while studies found evidence for the moderating effect of emotional support in terms of both aspects of physical and mental health, 35 44 this was not the case for instrumental support. 35 45

Structural factors

Seven studies covered factors at this level, making it the smallest category by far. With one exception, 46 all putative resilience factors in this group were investigated as moderators. In adulthood, all factors captured different neighbourhood characteristics or sense of community, and half of all investigated factors emerged as significant moderators of CA. Especially sense of community seems to be an important buffer of CA in relation to mental health outcomes. 47 48 In childhood, two studies covered different aspects of the school environment, and all four factors investigated in this context emerged as significant buffers of CA in terms of mental health outcomes in adulthood. 38 49

RQ 2: what is known about gender differences in the association between CA and adulthood outcomes?

The CA×gender interaction was tested in 15 studies and was statistically significant in five of these in relation to at least one of the included outcomes (see figure 5 ). Ritchie et al 50 found that losing a parent during childhood negatively impacted one measure of cognitive functioning in women in later adulthood, but not in men. Similarly, Mian et al 8 found women to be more impacted by CA in terms of frailty in late adulthood than men. A study by Neff 51 found men to be more resilient to anxiety, but not depression, after a parental history of mental ill health. Similarly, Powers et al 40 found that depression symptoms in women with a history of childhood maltreatment were higher than in men, while in the unexposed group, there was no such difference. Horan and Widom 52 found an interaction between gender and childhood cumulative risk in relation to educational attainment, but not to mental health symptoms.

Selected results from studies on CA×gender interaction (RQ 2) and gender patterns in moderators and mediators of CA (RQ 3). CA, childhood adversity.

RQ 3: what is known about gender patterns in the mediation and moderation of the association between CA and adulthood outcomes?

In terms of gender patterns in moderators of CA, there were two studies that conducted three-way interaction (CA×gender×moderator) and five studies performing two-way interactions (CA×moderator) stratified by gender. Of the former, only one found statistically significant three-way interactions. Reinert et al 53 investigated positive and negative religious coping as moderators. They showed, among men, that the combination of CA and positive religious coping was associated with worse physical health, whereas the combination of CA and negative religious coping had a beneficial influence on physical health. The reverse patterns were demonstrated among women. Four studies that conducted two-way interactions stratified by gender found evidence for potential differences. One found spirituality to be a buffer only in women, in regard to different mental health outcomes. 54 Similarly, social support by friends 40 and having a child 55 were buffering the effect of CA in regard to depression in women, but not in men. Another study reported that abstaining from drinking may be protective against depression, anxiety and somatisation in men with a parental history of alcoholism, but not in women. 51

Evidence on gender patterns in mediators of CA was also mixed. Two studies employed multiple-group path analyses, and four conducted gender-stratified mediation analysis. Among the former, one found a significant gender difference, namely that sense of belonging was a stronger mediator in men than in women in relation to mental health. 56 All of the stratified analyses resulted in some evidence for potential differences between men and women. Giovanelli et al 57 found family support and motivational advantage to be mediators in regard to high school graduation only in boys, while school support emerged as mediator both overall and in girls, but not in boys. Lee et al 58 found sleep quality to be a mediator between CA and metabolic syndrome in both men and women, but stress-induced eating was significant only in women. Song et al 15 also found more significant mediators for women than men with regard to depression symptoms, with problem avoidance and rationalisation only mediating in women, and problem-solving, self-blame and help-seeking mediating in both men and women. Wang et al 59 found loneliness to fully mediate the association of CA and depression in women, but only partially in men. Moreover, coping skills were identified as a mediator in men but not in women. Figure 5 summarises a selection of the findings for RQ3.

CA is a major public health issue, with consequences in terms of ill health and socioeconomic difficulty stretching over the entire life course, well into adulthood. 5 6 8 Understanding resilience, the process of positive adaptation after adversity, implies mapping factors that influence the association between the adversity and the outcome of interest and is one of the steps we can take to work towards mitigating CA’s impact on individuals and their families. This review contributed by investigating the role of resilience factors in the relationship between CA and a range of adulthood outcomes, paying particular attention to gender patterns.

Despite included studies being heterogeneous in terms of exposures, outcomes and resilience factors, there were some striking similarities when considering more overarching features. Notably, the majority of studies focused on mental health outcomes in combination with individual-level resilience factors, and most studies were set in Western contexts. This is no surprise, given that resilience research in industrialised contexts has a strong tradition in the field of psychology, 60 and given that most research continues to be West centric. 61 However, these features point to underexploited potential in resilience research, as well as to its limited generalisability for transferring findings across contexts. Furthermore, most studies included in this review did not explore gender patterns in any of the components of resilience processes, which is in line with what another comparable review found. 62 A more detailed comparison with previous reviews is difficult since most reviews we are aware of merely comment on the degree to which men and women are represented in the respectively included studies 9 or do not mention gender at all in their synthesis, beyond gender in itself being identified as a moderator. 10 63 Taken together, it seems that a gender-sensitive approach to resilience continues to be relatively neglected—despite gender being relevant to these processes. For example, there are gender patterns in stressor exposure, 53 57 in the distribution of outcomes, such as health problems, 38 64 as well as in the resources with the potential to mitigate the impact of CA, such as attachment patterns. 65 In the following, we will briefly summarise and discuss the insights generated by this scoping review, in terms of, first, the landscape of empirical studies on resilience factors, and, second, the available evidence on gender patterns in resilience processes. We will provide suggestions for future research throughout.

Resilience factors in relation to CA and adult outcomes: time to expand the focus?

The majority of studies explored individual-level factors, which correspond to the strong representation of psychological literature in this review. This is also in line with what similar reviews found. Specifically, factors related to coping and attachment were among those most frequently investigated, and generating the most robust evidence. 9 63 66 Also in our study, coping mechanisms were among the most frequently discussed individual-level resilience factors, mainly in mediational models. Exposure to adversity may shape coping styles in ways that are adaptive at first, but maladaptive in more positive contexts. 67 For example, avoiding confrontation in situations where conflict is not safe is adaptive. However, in situations where it is safe, avoidant coping or problem avoidance is no longer the lesser evil but can increase the risk of diagnoses such as depression. 67 Accordingly, providing an individual with the resources to adapt their coping behaviour to their circumstances later in life may be a valid way of eliminating part of the indirect effects of CA, and many studies in this review suggest this. It is also noteworthy that some putative resilience resources can be a double-edged sword. Factors related to religiosity or spirituality may, for example, both be harmful or beneficial. 53 68 69 These are examples proving that context matters for both how we view adversity and its consequences, and for how useful a given resilience factor is. Generally speaking, these examples may be suggestive of individual-level interventions being the key to enabling resilience in adults with CA experience. Even if we believe this to be true, we can make resilience a public health rather than a purely psychological concern by more frequently considering individual-level factors that society can provide more easily than awareness around coping behaviours. For example, it could be explored whether purpose in life and self-esteem can be bolstered by ensuring access to professional training or education, or community engagement, across the life course, to allow individuals to (re)discover meaning-making activities.

Prior literature, with its focus on individual-level factors, mirrors narratives of individual resistance against and recovery after adversity. As such, it has produced—and will continue to produce—valuable and applicable insights. However, this also suggests that resilience research, despite growing acknowledgement of resilience being a multisystemic process, 1 70 71 is still largely focused on these individual-level factors. Accordingly, the corresponding intervention options are often framed on the individual level. This limits our understanding of how to create and sustain wider environments that foster resilience, and it risks placing a disproportionate amount of responsibility on the individual. 60 72–74 For example, social support emerged as an important resilience factor in our own and other reviews. 10 62 75 We then need to ask how we can ensure that the sources of such support—social networks, families and societies—can successfully function as nurturers of individual resilience. A multisystemic approach to resilience implies imagining interlocking systems that each need to provide enough of the right resources for the other systems they are feeding into. 74 For example, what do local communities look like that empower families to navigate their way to resilience? One part of this may well be psychological support, the availability of which is a public health matter in itself. However, we can go much further than this: First, by thinking about resilience in a more participatory way, and second, by transparently discussing more of its upstream determinants. There is now increasing awareness around the need to actively engage disadvantaged populations in resilience research, for example, in work to conceptualise and operationalise resilience. 71 74 Furthermore, there have been calls to combine efforts to ‘change the odds’, which include more traditional public health and social policy measures to address social determinants of health, with efforts to ‘beat the odds’ by enabling resilience processes. 74 While this is challenging, Ungar et al 71 have proposed a sample methodology for conducting resilience research that is not only contextually sensitive and participatory but also addresses the different systems that contribute to how resilience plays out. Furthermore, cross-country comparisons of education or welfare systems could yield evidence on how overarching societal structures can provide support in the face of individual-level adversity and help frame how resilience on an individual level conversely acts as cornerstone for societal and economic resilience at large. Especially when considering the relatively robust evidence for school-level factors 38 49 and access to trusted adults such as mentors 41 43 being buffers to CA in childhood, it seems clear that a strong case could be made for investing in resilience-promoting schools or similar places of support outside the family context. Additionally, more cross-country or cross-cultural comparison studies, including non-Western settings, could help expand our knowledge of resilience factors across contexts, and open our eyes to different ways of ‘producing’ resilience—outside a Western narrative of self-sufficiency. 73

Gender in resilience processes: a blind spot in the empirical literature?

Gender influences all components of resilience processes. Nevertheless, gender is nothing but a confounder in most studies included in this review, limiting our understanding of possible gender patterns in resilience processes. Only a fragment of the included studies investigated whether CA may impact men and women differently. The CA×gender interaction was then mostly tested in studies with mental health outcomes, possibly due to the overall higher rates of mental health problems like anxiety and depression in women 76 , which may be construed as hint towards the differential impact of CA or other stressors by gender, even though there is no strong evidence supporting this hypothesis. 77 Also, in our review, the majority of studies did not find evidence for such an interaction. This may mean that there is simply no such differential impact, or that CA levels the playing field, cancelling out possible advantages men may otherwise have over women in relation to these particular outcomes.

In contrast to studies investigating a possible difference in the impact of CA by gender, more than half of the studies interested in gender differences in mediators and moderators of CA found statistically significant results. Both in terms of moderators as well as in terms of mediators, more resilience factors could be identified for women than for men. There is some evidence that factors related to social support are stronger buffers in women than in men, and conversely, that loneliness is a more potent mediator. One reason for this could be that women tend to have stronger social networks than men. 78 79 Similarly, there was evidence for emotional support being more meaningful than instrumental support. One of the enduring norms men are confronted with is the need to appear strong by not disclosing feelings that could be perceived as weakness. This could be another reason why social support does not function as an equally potent buffer in men as in women: men may not only have less access to social support, but they may also be less inclined to use it. Alternatively, it is possible that, due to gender roles and expectations, different resources are prioritised by men, for example, those that are related to economic rather than social status. 55 Fitzgerald and Berthiaume 54 suggest that in men, sociodemographic and personality factors explain more of the variance in mental health outcomes than is the case for women, which would then explain why interpersonal resources do not seem to be as helpful to men—less of their sense of self-worth is determined by this type of factors. In that sense, one could argue that men face a double vulnerability when exposed to CA because the resources that would be most beneficial to them may be harder to access than the resources women apply. Another study proposed to differentiate between psychological and physiological outcomes, with women being physically more resilient and men psychologically 58 . This may in turn translate into different resource needs. In terms of mediators, several studies reported women to be more likely to resort to maladaptive coping styles 22 25 as well as to exhibit predominantly anxious attachment styles. 80 These studies did not themselves test for gender differences in mediation, but Song et al 15 found more maladaptive coping behaviours to mediate the effect of CA in women than in men. A gendered use of coping styles could be partly the result of corresponding narratives around self-worth and self-reliance, as well as of actual lack of resources—women are often in more vulnerable economic positions, due to, among other things, continued labour market segregation, which may provide them with less options for problem solving than men. Here, we can see a double vulnerability of women exposed to CA.

Gender, by itself and in intersection with health determinants such as socioeconomic status, shapes individuals’ options for navigating their way to resilience. 1 60 71 Resilience processes (or the lack thereof) may be regarded as a way of ‘doing gender’, 81 with strategies such as coping, help-seeking, aggression and substance use confirming or challenging normative expectations of masculinity or femininity. While hard to implement in practice, more research should strive to do justice to this complexity. To begin filling this gap, researchers can routinely start by discussing their resilience outcome, as well as any observed gender patterns in it, in relation to possible gender bias. We also suggest to incorporate more outcomes that are, on average, more common in men, such as aggression-related problems or alcohol misuse. Where this is not possible or not of interest, we suggest to dedicate some space in article discussions to acknowledge that equating the absence of, for example, anxiety with resilience may hide men’s suffering and make women appear disproportionately fragile. Some studies do all or part of these points already. For example, Feldman et al 38 discuss that women had a higher risk of affective disorders in their sample, but men had a higher risk of any psychiatric disorder as well as of antisocial behaviour and developing dependence. Similarly, a conscious engagement with gender patterns in exposures could make resilience research more gender-sensitive—articles focusing on individual adversity indicators could discuss how far girls or boys may be more often exposed to a specific type of adversity, and why. Lastly, we would suggest that all empirical studies conduct their analyses both in the overall sample, as well as stratified by gender.

Similar to what we discussed in relation to other structural level factors, also in regard to gender patterns in resilience processes, cross-country comparisons could be a helpful exercise. They may shed light on how more egalitarian societies will provide better resilience opportunities for both men and women, helping each reduce their respective ‘double’ vulnerabilities, and at the same time preventing some of the adversity from occurring in the first place. With a smaller power gradient in gender, there might be less violence against women and girls, and with less traditional ideas around masculinity and strength, there might be less exposure to violence for men. Another aspect future studies on gender patterns in resilience may want to incorporate is the idea of key turning points during the life course, which may vary by gender. 82 83 For women, this may, for example, be around childbirth. More studies on resilience factors around and after the time of birth could garner insights on how women with previous experience of adversity can be supported. For men, the transition to retirement or involuntary job loss could be experiences that have a particularly isolating impact. Incorporating notions of the gendered life course into resilience research could, therefore, help a more nuanced and longitudinal understanding of adulthood outcomes after CA. Lastly, we would like to mention the untapped potential of intersectionality in resilience research. Gender is a dimension of an individual’s identity, but it is only one of many that shape resilience processes. 60 Ideally, future empirical research will not only investigate gender patterns in resilience but also resilience at the intersection of different dimensions of disadvantage.

Limitations

We collated evidence on gender patterns in resilience processes in the context of CA and adulthood outcomes, against the backdrop of an up-to-date comprehensive review of the literature on resilience factors. In contrast to many other reviews on resilience factors, we followed stringent criteria in regard to the statistical methods applied in order to identify said resilience factors, similar to Fritz et al in their systematic review from 2018. 9 This is an important strategy to ensure that included factors are investigated in light of their relevance to adversity rather than their general protective potential. We also adhered to the PRISMA-ScR guidelines as closely as possible, making the choices in this review transparent, including their disadvantages. One of the strengths of this review, but simultaneously one of its weaknesses, is the wide range of exposures and outcomes included. While this decision was made in order to be open to different research fields, the resulting heterogeneity of studies made even a narrative summary challenging. At the same time, the introduction of a number of exclusion criteria implies that this scoping review is a snapshot of a certain way of engaging with resilience in research, rather than a comprehensive picture of what is possible. For example, gender should ideally be understood on a spectrum, and as one dimension of many that may shape an individual’s opportunity for resilience. Furthermore, there are strong arguments against understanding gender and sex as clearly delimited concepts, but rather as two aspects of a construct that bidirectionally influence each other. 84 This means that studies focusing on biological differences between men and women are relevant to discussing gender patterns but were so different that we decided to exclude them to make it easier to integrate our findings. By choosing to include only quantitative studies, we also inadvertently excluded literature on transgender and gender-non-conforming adults. This resulted in our review discussing gender in terms of the overly simplistic, but still most commonly used binary understanding in empirical studies. We strongly encourage future empirical studies to explore resilience with a more nuanced, ideally intersectional approach to gender. While this is often a difficult undertaking, among other things due to issues with statistical power, there are promising examples of how this may be possible in practice, given enough resources. 71 74 Furthermore, we would like to highlight that reviews of qualitative studies on resilience in populations chronically under-represented in quantitative research would be a valuable addition to the literature. More generally, a qualitative engagement with what individuals perceive resilience to be would be an additional angle through which to explore relevant resilience resources and a way of framing the individual as agent rather than as victim. In this context, we would also like to acknowledge that quantitative studies on resilience, and by extension this review, tend to make an implicit value judgement: it is assumed that someone with, for example, a physical or psychological diagnosis is not exhibiting resilience. One could easily argue that the adaptation to said diagnosis is, more than anything, an indicator of resilience in itself. We did not allow for this perspective by excluding, for example, clinical populations. Furthermore, our eligibility criteria come with an inherent gender bias—in the early stages, we decided to exclude studies with outcomes related to criminal behaviour, and many all-male samples were excluded due to their focus on re-exposure to severe stress later in life, which was not the focus of this review. This is a shortcoming that may make the literature appear narrower than it is. A similar limitation is posed by our decision to exclude grey literature and only include peer-reviewed articles.

Conclusions

This scoping review included a large number of empirical studies on resilience or positive adaptation in the context of CA and adulthood outcomes. It highlighted the extent to which resilience research is anchored within the field of psychology, and—like most research—is still predominantly conducted in Western contexts. Accordingly, the majority of resilience factors explored were individual-level factors. It would be beneficial for future studies to complement the insights studies to date have generated by incorporating more structural-level factors and to explore the contextual nature of resilience by considering comparisons across countries and cultures. This would contribute to reframing resilience from an individual-level responsibility to a complex process that is inseparable from the social determinants of health, which are upstream determinants only policies can intervene on. Furthermore, research on gender patterns in resilience in the context of CA is largely absent from the literature included in this review. Studies seem to point to the fact that gender is no moderator of CA, but that there is evidence for gender differences in the mechanisms linking CA to outcomes in adulthood. Future research with prospective designs should attempt to capture more of these patterns, considering gender across all steps of the research process, and placing greater emphasis on gender-stratified analyses. Furthermore, future research on resilience can turn more towards seeking out gender in its intersection with other factors, shaping both experiences of adversity and the resources helpful in tackling them. Understanding resilience is an important public health endeavour, and research that incorporates resilience factors across systems, as well as a gender perspective, will generate new knowledge on how to create surroundings that allow all individuals to realise their potential for resilience.

Ethics statements

Patient consent for publication.

Not applicable.

Acknowledgments

The authors wish to thank Josephine Jackisch, who contributed substantially to the development of the search string as well as inclusion and exclusion criteria, and who was part of the title and abstract screening team. The authors furthermore wish to thank Lina Lindstein, Stockholm University Library, for her help with developing the search string.

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Contributors LB: literature search; selection of sources of evidence; data charting; critical appraisal; synthesis of results; writing–original draft; KG and YBA: supervision; selection of sources of evidence; data charting; critical appraisal; writing–review and editing. LB is the guarantor.

Funding This study was funded by the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (no. 2019-00058).

Competing interests None declared.

Patient and public involvement Patients and/or the public were not involved in the design, or conduct, or reporting, or dissemination plans of this research.

Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

Supplemental material This content has been supplied by the author(s). It has not been vetted by BMJ Publishing Group Limited (BMJ) and may not have been peer-reviewed. Any opinions or recommendations discussed are solely those of the author(s) and are not endorsed by BMJ. BMJ disclaims all liability and responsibility arising from any reliance placed on the content. Where the content includes any translated material, BMJ does not warrant the accuracy and reliability of the translations (including but not limited to local regulations, clinical guidelines, terminology, drug names and drug dosages), and is not responsible for any error and/or omissions arising from translation and adaptation or otherwise.

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The first volume of this kind, Research Methods for English Studies introduces final-year undergraduate and postgraduate students taking Masters degrees or PhDs to a range of research methods deployed in the study of English, particularly for the periods of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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Research methods for English studies

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Research Methods | Definitions, Types, Examples

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1. Research Methods for English Studies: An Introduction

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Chapters in this book (17)

ENGL461 Qualitative Research Methods in English Studies

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Research Methods for English Studies (Research Methods for the Arts and Humanities) 2nd Edition, Kindle Edition

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